Chapter 2: Norwegian Foreign and Security Policy: From the Arctic Frontier to the Afghan Battlefield

Author(s):  
Carsten Sander Christensen

In this chapter, the Danish foreign and security policy in the framework of the international security policy and its changes vis-à-vis the former Eastern bloc in the period following the Cold War will be analysed in the light of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The analysis will concentrate on three tense areas that form the European core of Danish security policy. Firstly, an analysis of the purpose of the Danish commitment to the EU-enlargement, in the years 1990-2007, and how it anticipates the events of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is done. Secondly, an analysis of the Danish foreign and security policy in the frame of the international policy in the Baltic Sea Region is done, and thirdly, an analysis of the Danish foreign and security policy in the frame of the international policy in the Arctic area in the light of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is done.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thorsten K. Schreiweis

In this book, the author outlines the political, social, economic and cultural determinants and lines of development of Icelandic history in the context of Europe and the common heritage of Iceland and Eu-rope. He traces the mutual interests of Iceland and the EU in addressing new political and economic challenges in the age of globalisation through topics such as foreign and security policy in the North Atlantic and the Arctic, and the 2009 financial and economic crisis. This study sheds light on the intra-Icelandic and European debate on national and cultural identity, political autonomy and state sovereignty in the context of the EU’s enlargement, deepening and identity.


Author(s):  
Henrik Larsen

The chapter presents the dominant discourse in Danish foreign policy. The dominant discourse articulates the EU as essential and the key platform for Danish foreign policy, while NATO and the United States are also articulated as crucial if mainly in the field of security. The articulation of an activism that breaks with the strategic passivity in the past is the background for Denmark’s participation in conflicts in Syria and Iraq. The UN and in particular Nordic cooperation are not attributed the same value as the EU and NATO/the United States. However, particularly from the Foreign and Security Policy Strategy 2019–20, tendencies towards an even stronger Danish emphasis on the EU, multilateralism, international rules, and on issue areas such as security in the neighbourhood, immigration, the Arctic, and trade are identified. The chapter raises the question of whether the ensemble of these tendencies will challenge or reinforce the EU’s and NATO’s central roles.


Polar Record ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 404-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Ackrén ◽  
Uffe Jakobsen

ABSTRACTGreenland was used by the US as a platform and as an extended arm within its security and foreign policy during the World War II and the cold war. After this things changed, although Greenland remained important in Danish-US relations under the umbrella of NATO. Nowadays, the geostrategic position of Greenland between North America and Europe is gaining fresh prominence in the race for natural resources in the Arctic. Many issues arise from the prospective opening of the Arctic, all of which may have fateful impacts on future development in the region. Climate change, claims related to the extension of the continental shelf, exploitation and exploration of natural resources, together with the protection of indigenous peoples are all current issues that must be taken into consideration in the context of security and foreign policy formation in Greenland. The future of the Thule Air Base is also relevant. This article reviews developments from the World War II to the present regarding international relations from a Greenlandic perspective. As a self-governing sub-national territory within the realm of Denmark, Greenland does not have the ultimate decision-making power within foreign and security policy. The new Self-Government Act of 2009, however, gives Greenland some room for manoeuvre in this respect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar

In recent years, there has been a rise in China’s profile in South Asia. It is no surprise that Chinese experts have used terms, such as ‘new springtime’ in China–South Asia relations, ‘rediscovery of the strategic status of South Asia’ and ‘most relevant region with regard to the rise of China’.    The objective of this article is to examine the nature and drivers of China’s South Asia policy, especially under the leadership of Xi Jinping vis-à-vis China’s policy towards the region in the past. It is not sufficient to only examine international factors or foreign and security policy in the context of the neighbouring region, such as South Asia. China’s ‘domestic periphery’ presents a significant threat to its national security. These areas are linked to neighbouring countries of South Asia and Central Asia. The announcement by Chinese President Xi Jinping of a ‘New Era’ or ‘third era’ in the history of Communist Party of China (CPC) represents a China which is known for its dictum ‘striving for achievement’ ( fenfa youwei). This is different from the second era’s policy of ‘keeping a low profile and biding the time’ proposed by Deng Xiaoping. Of course, the name of Mao Zedong is synonymous with the first era beginning from 1949.


Author(s):  
Maria José Rangel de Mesquita

The article addresses the issue of judicial control of the implementation of Common Foreign and Security Policy at international regional level within the framework of the relaunching of the negotiation in view of the accession of the EU to the ECHR. Considering the extent of jurisdiction of the CJEU in respect of Common Foreign and Security Policy field in the light of its case law (sections 1 and 2), it analyses the question of judicial review of Common Foreign and Security Policy within international regional justice by the ECtHR in the light of the ongoing negotiations (section 3), in the perspective of the relationship between non-national courts (section 3.A), having as background the (2013) Draft Agreement of accession (section 3.B.1). After addressing the relaunching of the negotiation procedure (section 3.B.2) and the issue of CFSP control by the ECtHR according to the recent (re)negotiation meetings (section 3.B.3), some concrete proposals, including for the redrafting of the accession agreement, will be put forward (section 3.B.4), as well as a conclusion (section 4).


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-370
Author(s):  
Maria José Rangel de Mesquita

The article addresses the issue of judicial control of the implementation of Common Foreign and Security Policy at international regional level within the framework of the relaunching of the negotiation in view of the accession of the EU to the ECHR. Considering the extent of jurisdiction of the CJEU in respect of Common Foreign and Security Policy field in the light of its case law (sections 1 and 2), it analyses the question of judicial review of Common Foreign and Security Policy within international regional justice by the ECtHR in the light of the ongoing negotiations (section 3), in the perspective of the relationship between non-national courts (section 3.A), having as background the (2013) Draft Agreement of accession (section 3.B.1). After addressing the relaunching of the negotiation procedure (section 3.B.2) and the issue of CFSP control by the ECtHR according to the recent (re)negotiation meetings (section 3.B.3), some concrete proposals, including for the redrafting of the accession agreement, will be put forward (section 3.B.4), as well as a conclusion (section 4).


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