scholarly journals The Role Of Ethno-Confessional Leaders In The Political Life Of Society

Author(s):  
Khurshid A. Mirzakhmedov ◽  

In the article, the authors are based on the verdict that the main and most important element of world religion is the phenomenon of the prophets. However, at the beginning of the New century as a world. Similarly, in regional terms, the media reports about false prophets and insults to religious prophets, including the great prophet Muhammad, which negatively affects the feelings of believers in the Muslim world. According to the authors of the article, this seriously depresses the international political situation, since the cult of the Holy prophets is recognized as the meaning-forming basis of the Muslim faith. The article proves that the goal of Islam in the formation and development of the socio-cultural life of Muslims is based on the strengthening of spiritual and cultural identity, based on the priority of recognizing the Majesty of the prophet Muhammad, that any skepticism or insults is a threat to the entire system of Islam's ideology. The authors note that the life of the great Muhammad is generally accepted as an example of the righteous organization of the personal and collective life of the Muslim community, which forms the highest qualities of spiritual and moral culture among believers.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Mohan Rao ◽  
Shobna Sonpar ◽  
Amit Sen ◽  
Shekhar P. Seshadri ◽  
Harsh Agarwal ◽  
...  

Ragging has claimed hundreds of innocent lives and has ruined the careers of thousands of students. A total of 717 cases of ragging were reported in the English print media alone across the country from January 2007 to September 2013. However, the media reports tend to focus on extreme cases and do not reveal the true extent of ragging. Moreover, in the absence of empirical data, it is difficult to understand the processes involved in, and the ramifications of, ragging. This study examines the prevalence and types of ragging practices in educational institutions. The study covered 10,632 students from 37 educational institutions spread across 12 states in India. Findings show that almost 40 per cent students admitted to having experienced some kind of ragging. College-wise analysis of the results showed marked variations in the prevalence of ragging among colleges, thus pointing to the role of institutional factors in the occurrence of ragging. Variations in responses are also seen based on the kind of course pursued, gender, and place of residence of student, thus indicating that these are critical factors in influencing the prevalence, severity and kinds of ragging practices.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Budi Irawanto

Dubbed as the ‘ring of fire,’, Indonesian territories have witnessed many forms of natural disasters such as volcano eruptions, earthquakes and tsunamis, which had been widely reported in the mass media. While the media has reported the scale of destruction and number of casualties caused by those disasters, they have also narrated dramatic recounts of the survivors. Imbued with spectacular imagery, the media seek to appeal to the audiences emotionally and evoke sentiments of solidarity as well as humanitarian actions. Employing a textual analysis of media reports in Indonesia, particularly from the weekly news magazine Tempo, this study explores the way in which the media frame the narratives of the survivors of natural disasters (volcano eruptions, earthquakes and tsunamis) across Indonesia. Although the media are expected to report events objectively, this study demonstrates the affective element in the practice of journalism on natural disasters. Therefore, this study will contribute to the growing research on the relationship between media and disasters, particularly in the context of a disaster-prone country such as Indonesia. In particular, it will contribute to the body of journalism research which looks at the role of narrating the human subject in tragic events such as natural disasters.


Al-Ulum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Erwin Jusuf Thaib ◽  
Arfan Nusi ◽  
Suharti

This article focuses on research on the role of the Cheng Hoo Mosque in the multicultural da'wah movement in Makassar City and the challenges it faces. This study uses a qualitative method with a sociological and da'wah approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of multicultural da'wah at the Cheng Hoo Mosque in Makassar City and the challenges it faces from aspects of identity, plurality, and puritanity. Data were collected through interviews, field observations, and documentation studies. The research findings show that the Cheng Hoo Mosque is a religious and cultural identity of the Chinese Muslim community in Makassar City. The challenge faced by multicultural da'wah is plurality, especially in the field of religion and religious puritanism which leads to division. The multicultural da'wah movement at Cheng Hoo Mosque is carried out with three approaches, namely non-mazhab mosques, mosques that are open to all groups, across cultures and religions, and acceptance and respect for local culture. Key words: Cheng Hoo Mosque, da’wah, multicultural


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
O. E. Belkina ◽  
Yu. A. Balysh ◽  
M. K. Ogorodov

The article dwells upon precedent phenomena in the French protest discourse of 2018-2020. The authors of the article analyze the precedent phenomena used in the slogans of the Yellow Vests movement, as well as opponents of the reform of the French pension system proposed by French President Emmanuel Macron. The analysis of the content of posters and graffiti that were published in the media and social networks made it possible to ascertain the high frequency of accessing precedent situations and texts, identifying their main sources, explaining the reasons for referring to these sources, and tracing the transformation of precedent statements in new contexts, and also understand how recently emerging protest movements, in turn, are becoming precedent. The results of the study led to the conclusion that the role of precedent phenomena is important, which perform not only informational, but also emotional-evaluative functions, which contribute to the consolidation of citizens in the struggle for their rights. It was also concluded that the cognitive base of foreign linguistic culture is necessary for successful communication and an adequate interpretation of texts created by representatives of this linguistic culture, and therefore the realities of the socio-political life of the country of the language being studied. The article contains a large number of examples. The article may be of interest to experts in the field of political discourse, communication and translation/interpretation. It can also be used for the purpose of linguistic and cultural studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.


English Today ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-9
Author(s):  
Barry Lowe

JOURNALISM is a craft that uses language as its tools. It involves a close embrace with the linguistic medium of its transactions. Hong Kong students studying journalism in English are doubly disadvantaged by their lack of familiarity with English and by the role of English as a prestige language in a society that mostly speaks another tongue. English is used in a narrow range of contexts in Hong Kong: in elite domains of international business; as the language of colonial government; among the expatriates who play key roles in the political, economic and cultural life of the territory; and in the classroom where hundreds of thousands of primary to tertiary students labour under archaic methods of teaching that emphasise grammatical rules and rote learning of set texts. English is not used in the street, in the media or in the home of the average Hong Konger. It is a foreign language.


2017 ◽  
Vol 162 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-106
Author(s):  
Rhonda Breit ◽  
Richard Fitzgerald ◽  
Shuang Liu ◽  
Regan Neal

This article explores the role of media in Freedom of Information (FOI) policy transfer, using a case study of Queensland’s 2009 FOI reforms. A multi-dimensional analysis was used to discover how newspapers reported changes in Queensland’s public sector information (PSI) policy to identify whether stories on PSI policy were reframed over time. At a quantitative level, the text analytics software Leximancer was used to identify key concepts, issues and trends in 786 relevant articles from national, metropolitan and regional newspapers. At a qualitative level, discourse analysis was used to identify key themes and patterns from the newspaper articles. Both qualitative and quantitative shifts in the media reporting of Right to Information (RTI) and FOI were revealed across three time periods representing the periods before, during and after the reform implementation. The findings offer insights into the role of newspapers in policy diffusion, revealing how Queensland media reports framed the shift in PSI policy from pull model FOI to push model RTI.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 19-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Drożdż

This article is an attempt to seek answers to the question of whether so-called hate speech in the media constitutes a reporting of facts and reflects real social and cultural life or pursues other aims, for example: the persuasive and manipulative creation of a desired reality innate in the functioning of a commercial and persuasive media. The author attempts from the axiological perspective of the media, as well as from the semiological and linguistic perspectives, to answer the question of what the role of media language is in shaping and promoting real attitudes of hostility and hatred, and conversely, how cultural and media tendencies shape hate speech in the media. The author does not analyse the material aspect of language, but rather tries to look critically at certain trends shaping new forms of media language that bear negative values.


Author(s):  
Carolina Carazo-Barrantes

Abstract This paper analyzes the role of social media in electoral processes and contemporary political life. We analyze Costa Rica’s 2018 presidential election from an agenda-setting perspective, studying the media, the political and the public agendas, and their relationships. We explore whether social media, Facebook specifically, can convey an agenda-setting effect; if social media public agenda differs from the traditional MIP public agenda; and what agenda-setting methodologies can benefit from new approaches in the social media context. The study revealed that social media agendas are complex and dynamic and, in this case, did not present an agenda-setting effect. We not only found that the social media public agenda does not correlate with the conventional MIP public agenda, but that neither does the media online agenda and the media’s agenda on Facebook. Our exploration of more contemporary methods like big data, social network analysis (SNA), and social media mining point to them as necessary complements to the traditional methodological proposal of agenda-setting theory which have become insufficient to explain the current media environment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 167 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-12
Author(s):  
Philip Chubb ◽  
Stephanie Brookes ◽  
Margaret Simons

This Special Issue tackles increasing urgent questions about the role and performance of the Federal Parliamentary Press Gallery, a unique and valuable institution central to Australian political journalism. These questions about the Press Gallery’s contribution to political life include: how might we understand the changing authority and effectiveness of the Press Gallery? Has Australia entered an era when media failures are damaging the country’s ability to affect reform? Are we witnessing a twin assault on the quality of Australian democracy from politicians and the media? The articles gathered here offer a variety of tools and perspectives useful for thought and action in this moment in history – when political reporting is fundamentally disrupted, and with it the democratic forms that have grown up in lockstep with mass media. They chart changes and longer-term trends, and particularise broader shifts in political journalism and communication, providing both information and theoretically engaged analysis.


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