A (Non)Existing Language – Serbo-Croatian after WWII

Author(s):  
Pavel Krejčí ◽  
Elena Krejčová ◽  
Nadezhda Stalyanova

After the Second World War, Serbo-Croatian was formally declared on the basis of the so-called Novi Sad Agreement (1954). Its demise is connected to the demise of the Yu-goslav Federation (1992). The sociological, historical, political and ideological rea-sons of the rejection of this glossonym (and with it the rejection of the common lan-guage) were clearly the decisive factor, but they were not always the same. The Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and Montenegrins had specific reasons for this. These reasons can be revealed, inter alia, by analyzing a number of declarative, proclaiming, explanatory, defending, shorter or longer texts on the language generated by all the above-mentioned national communities which used Serbo-Croatian as their first (mother) tongue after 1990. The most recent Declaration on the Common Language (2017) is unique in this sense.

2021 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Boris Martynov

The article deals with the evolution of views of the Brazilian authors on the role, played by the Soviet Union in the WWII and its contribution to the victory of the anti-Hitlerian coalition. It contains a historiographical review of the works, written by the Brazilian authors on the theme, beginning from 2004. One follows the process of their growing interest towards clarifying the real contribution of the Soviet part to the common victory, along with the rise of the international authority of Brazil and strengthening of the Russo – Brazilian ties. One reveals the modern attitude of Brazilian authors towards such dubious or scarcely known themes as the Molotov – Ribbentrop pact, the battles for Smolensk and Rhzev, town–bound fights in Stalingrad, liberation of the Baltic republics, the Soviet war with Japan, etc. The author comes to conclusion, that in spite of the Western efforts to infuse the people`s conscience with the elements of the “post – truth” in this respect, the correct treatment of those events acquires priority even in such a far off from Russia state, as Brazil.


Author(s):  
Jesús M. Díaz Álvarez

RESUMENEl presente artículo es una exposición reflexiva del texto de Aron Gurwitsch "On Contemporary Nihilism". Escrito en plena conflagración mundial, su intención última es mostrar que el nihilismo, en tanto que fenómeno que define la situación de occidente desde el declive de las ideas racionalistas, es el sustrato común, la base de la que van a emerger, por un lado, el "nihilismo epistemológico", que afecta a los diferentes saberes (teóricos y prácticos), y, por el otro, el terrible hecho del totalitarismo. Frente a esta situación, Gurwitsch defenderá que la única manera de salir del nihilismo y recuperar la cordura y la dignidad del ser humano es volviendo a reactivar, en el sentido husserliano, el ideal racionalista, el famoso dar y recibir razones con el que un día nació la filosofía en Grecia.PALABRAS CLAVENIHILISMO-TOTALITARSMO-RACIONALIDAD-ABSOLUTOABTRACTThis article is an expostion and a reflection on Aron Gurwitsch´s "On Contemporary Nihilism". He worte this text during the Second World War and his ultimate intention was to show that nihilism, as the fact which defined the situation of the West since the decline of the rationalistic ideas, was the common base from which two phenomena arose. The first of them is the "epistemological nihilism", which affects our theoretical and practical disciplines. The second one is the terrible fact of totalitarianism. Taking this situation into account, Gurwitsch will maintain that the only way to overcome hilism and to recover the dignity of the human being is through the re-activation, in the husserlian sense, of the rationalist ideal, the famous "lógon diadónai" with which a long time ago philosophy was born in Greece.KEYWORDSNIHILISM-TOTALITARISM-RATIONALITY-ABSOLUTE


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-132
Author(s):  
Cecilia Heilala ◽  
Erkki Komulainen ◽  
Nina Santavirta

Purpose – During Second World War 48,628 Finnish children were evacuated to Sweden and temporarily placed in foster care. The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationships between the parental socioeconomic position (SEP), evacuation, language acquisition, and education and to analyze how these are related to SEP in separated compared to non-separated in later life. Design/methodology/approach – The sample consists of 749 separated and 1,535 non-separated persons. Pre-evacuation data on the separated were collected from the archives. The non-separated were matched for age, gender, place of birth, and mother tongue Finnish/Swedish. Data from both cohorts were collected by a postal questionnaire in autumn 2005. Stratified hierarchical regression analysis was used to predict SEP. Findings – The results show that the SEP and education of those Finnish-speaking evacuees who had lost their mother tongue when returning home were lower compared to the Finnish-speaking non-evacuees. On the contrary, the SEP of the Swedish-speaking evacuees was higher than of the Swedish-speaking non-evacuees. Research limitations/implications – Selection bias and attrition bias is a concern when interpreting the results. Practical implications – The study shows the importance of supporting the mother tongue of temporary migrants while staying in the host country and of taking actions for language policy planning when they return back home. Originality/value – This study uses data on a large child evacuation operation during Second World War to study how unaccompanied evacuation and loss of mother tongue affect SEP in later life. To the knowledge no such study has been conducted.


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey Heatherington

The management of agriculture has long played a key role in efforts to remake European borders, landscapes and identities. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has been a centerpiece of European collaboration and debate since the first steps were taken to establish the European Community after the Second World War. Launched by the Treaty of Rome in 1957, it was first designed to regulate the agricultural market and protect food security across the original six member states of France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg. With successive European enlargements and ongoing transformations in the world agricultural markets, the CAP has been in continual negotiation.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2(59)) ◽  
pp. 279-297
Author(s):  
Przemysław Pazik

The article aims at identifying and analysing the particularities of the federalist ideas of Polish clandestine catholic organisation the Union. In 1943 the group merged with the Christian-democratic Labour Party (SP) becoming its ideological centre. Throughout the Second World War the Union produced a series of programmatic documents and clandestine press where it discussed the shape of future Europe which was to become a pan-federation of regional federations cemented by the common values and principles enshrined in Christianity which were the foundations of Western civilization. In elaborating future plans for Europe, the Union drew explicitly from the memory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth setting it as an example for modern Poland and other European States. Historical Poland was perceived not just as a state but as a “normative power”, this was possible because the Union rejected the modern, ‘westphalian’ concept of state. Instead it advocated creation of a pluralistic federation of nations bound together by common values, where national egoisms were mitigated by common Christian values.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-61
Author(s):  
Inga Broerse

Abstract Migration to Scandinavia has taken place quite similarly in Sweden and Denmark since the Second World War. However, from the 1980s onwards, Sweden and Denmark have become increasingly dissimilar in terms of migration policy, which went hand in hand with education policy for newcomers. Mother tongue instruction for newcomers may improve the process of integration and social cohesion; nevertheless, this is provided for differently in Sweden and Denmark. This study takes into account different social dynamics in order to research what the position of mother tongue instruction is in policy documents and media discourse in both Sweden and Denmark, to determine what the effects of mother tongue instruction are, and subsequently to figure out what is necessary to find the balance between mobility and inclusion – all these for creating further social cohesion and avoiding segregation.


1986 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-449
Author(s):  
Rama Rao

The concept of non-alignment, as it is understood by the vast majority of people who wish to live in peace with their neighbours and the world at large, originated in India in the pre-Independence era. Indian national leaders had visualised that the Second World War would end Western colonialism in Asia and Africa and that India would regain its independence after two centuries of alien domination and exploitation. They had rightly judged that the Second World War, despite its ideological overtones of democracies versus dictatorships, was essentially a war initiated by one group of powers to regain, and of the other to retain their colonies. Whatever the precise shape of the post-War world, Indian national leaders were clear in their minds that their most important tasks on regaining independence would be to improve the economic condition of the mass of our people, secure social justice, and provide for minimum public health and educational needs. That after four decades of prodigious effort and expense, we seem to be standing still like the proverbial toiler trying to ascend a treadmill, is a different issue. The fact remains that Indian leaders, aware of the paramount and urgent need for improving the lot of the common man, wanted to be left alone to attend to their problems. They wanted no part in Great Power rivalries. They also saw the need, in the larger interests of all and especially of the poor and newly liberated countries, for the latter to recognise the virtues of non-alignment as well as its practical utility in a world torn by strife. The argument that the larger the body of non-aligned countries, the larger the area of peace and to that extent, the less the arena of conflict is irrefutable. Basically the concept of non-alignment is sound. It was very relevant when the idea first took shape in India and remains equally relevant and valid today.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-450
Author(s):  
Maruša Pušnik

The radical break between two national contexts in 1991, when Slovenia seceded from Yugoslavia, and Slovenia’s integration into the European Union in 2004, has brought changes to the collective memory of the Slovenian nation. In this article, I investigate how Delo, a major Slovenian daily newspaper, has been involved in memory struggles to present new memorial discourses that are in accordance with the new national politics. A large part of the common Yugoslav past has been reinvented for the present political and ideological purposes of European integration, whereby the Second World War and the Partisan movement, which once signified a common Yugoslav life, have become a contested issue. The focus of the critical narrative analysis is put on those general narrative templates that underlie specific news narratives about the Second World War and socialist Yugoslavia. Over the last 25 years, dominant media have strengthened memory struggles in the Slovenian public realm and have created revisionist narratives of the Second World War and the post-war past.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-177
Author(s):  
HUGH MCDONNELL

Jean-Paul Sartre's 1961 famous and infamous preface to Frantz Fanon'sThe Wretched of the Earthhas engendered the common impression of Sartre as an intellectual who was particularly hostile to Europe. In revising this perception, this article reviews Sartre's engagement with the idea of Europe over many decades. This certainly included critique, but also nuanced and positive considerations of what Europe and being European meant. This thinking about Europe is to be situated, first, in terms of Sartre's evolving philosophical project to reconcile freedom and facticity, and second, in political and intellectual contestations over Europe in the context of fascism and the Second World War, postwar international relations, and the emergence of the Third World. Sartre's contribution to these debates was an adumbration of a “knotted Europe,” the provincialization of Europe whilst retaining a commitment to universalism, and a notion of Europe as an ongoing project rather than an ossified identity.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 9-29
Author(s):  
Ana-Maria Stoian

This paper discusses the importance of norms and values in the transatlantic relations. Beginning with the values that shaped the transatlantic partnership at the end of the Second World War, the analysis questions the redefinition of transatlantic values at the beginning of the 21st century, emphasizing patterns of convergence and divergence. Using a comparative approach, the article presents values, norms and principles explaining the domestic and international behaviour of the US and the EU. The main argument of the paper is that there are not two different sets of values, a European and an American one, but a single transatlantic set of values (a Western one), with some distinct elements and approaches. There is not a great departure from the common matrix of values so that to endanger the US-European relationship indefinitely.


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