Bismarck als Projektionsfläche oder Verfassung als Kunst des Möglichen?

Author(s):  
Martin Otto

Otto von Bismarck was not a liberal politician at all but had a lot of liberal admirers. German liberal politicians like Gustav Stresemann or Otto Graf Lambsdorff and even Social Democrats like Willy Brandt presented themselves as at least partial admirers of Bismarck and his politics. It is surprising at first sight, because Bismarck had strong conservative roots and never pretended to be liberal. On the other hand, some effects of his politics were deeply accepted and even desired by German liberals: the creation of a strong German national state, political fight against small blimpish duchies or catholic church. Bismarck was rather a pragmatic (and sometimes opportunist) than a theorist, defining politics as „Kunst des Möglichen“ (‚art of art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best‘). Due to his lack of ideology, for many a benchmark of Liberalism, conservative Bismarck could make successful liberal politics, but also its opposite, e. g., in social politics. By his pragmatic approach and his flexibility, Bismarck became a projection screen for many liberal politicians.

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Sayangi Laia ◽  
Harman Ziduhu Laia ◽  
Daniel Ari Wibowo

The practice of anointing with oil has been done in the church since the first century to the present. On the other hand, there are also churches which have refused to do this. The practice of anointing with oil has essentially lifted from James 5:14. This text has become one of one text in the New Testament which is quite difficult to understand and bring a variety of views. Not a few denominations of the church understand James 5:14 is wrong, even the Catholic church including in it. The increasingly incorrect practice of anointing in the church today, that can be believed can heal disease physically and a variety of other functions push back the author to check the text of James 5:14 in the exegesis. Studies the exegesis of the deep, which focuses on the contextual, grammatical-structural,


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-364
Author(s):  
William Wizeman

The late Professor Geoffrey Dickens in his book, The English Reformation, condemned the Marian church for ‘failing to discover’ the verve and creativity of the Counter-Reformation; on the other hand, Dr Lucy Wooding has praised the Marian church for its adherence to the views of the great religious reformer Erasmus and its insularity from the counter-reforming Catholicism of Europe in her book Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England. However, by studying the Latin and English catechetical, homiletic, devotional and controversial religious texts printed during the Catholic renewal in England in the reign of Mary Tudor (1553–58) and the decrees of Cardinal Reginald Pole's Legatine Synod in London (1555–56), a very different picture emerges. Rooted in the writings of St John Fisher—which also influenced the pivotal decrees of the Council of Trent (1545–63) on justification and the Eucharist—Marian authors presented a theological synthesis that concurred with Trent's determinations. This article will focus on three pivotal Reformation controversies: the intrepretation of scripture, justification, and the Eucharist.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lothar Probst

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
John Tofik Karam

Este trabalho indaga sobre a aparente “mistura” de massihiyin (cristãos em árabe), tanto da igreja ortodoxa do patriarcado antioquina quanto dos ritos maronita e melquita (ou oriental) que pertencem à igreja católica romana. Argumenta-se que a “mistura” significa não a diluição mas a contenção e a conversibilidade da diferença. Por um lado, os maronitas, os melquitas e os ortodoxos de origem árabe adotaram o catolicismo de rito latino, protestantismo e em menor grau, espiritismo, umbanda e candomblé. Por outro lado, os brasileiros sem nenhuma ascendência árabe se converteram às denominações maronita, melquita e ortodoxa. A diferença cristã árabe é construída e contida no que o antropólogo Richard Wilk chamou de “estrutura da diferença comum”. O conteúdo cultural assume uma forma “mutuamente inteligível,” se variável, na chamada “mistura”. Em vez de ser um benefício ou direito outorgado do Estado laico, a construção minoritária desses e outros sujeitos revela a própria contradição ainda não-resolvida do laicismo. This work explores  the apparent “mixture” of massihiyin (Christians in Arabic), both from the Orthodox Church of the Antiochian Patriarchate and from the Maronite and Melkite (or Eastern) rites that belong to the Roman Catholic Church. It is argued that “mixing” means not dilution but containment and convertibility of difference. On the one hand, Maronites, Melchites and Orthodox of Arab origin adopted the Catholicism of Latin rite, Protestantism and to a lesser extent, Spiritism, Umbanda and Candomblé. On the other hand, Brazilians with no Arab ancestry converted to the Maronite, Melkite and Orthodox denominations.  Arab Christian difference is constructed and contained in what anthropologist Richard Wilk called "the structure of common difference". Cultural content takes on a “mutually intelligible” form, if variable, in the so-called “mixture”. Instead of being a benefit or right granted by the secular state, the minority construction of these and other subjects reveals the  unresolved contradiction of secularism and the secular state.Este trabajo indaga sobre la aparente "mezcla" de massihiyin (cristianos en árabe), tanto de la Iglesia Ortodoxa del Patriarcado Antioqueño como de los ritos maronitas y melkitas (u orientales) que pertenecen a la Iglesia Católica Romana. Se argumenta que "mezclar" significa no dilución sino contención y convertibilidad de la diferencia. Por un lado, los maronitas, melquitas y ortodoxos de origen árabe adoptaron el catolicismo de rito latino, el protestantismo y, en menor medida, el espiritismo, el umbanda y el candomblé. Por otro lado, los brasileños sin ascendencia árabe se convirtieron a las denominaciones maronita, melquita y ortodoxa. La diferencia cristiana árabe está construida y contenida en lo que el antropólogo Richard Wilk llamó "la estructura de la diferencia común". El contenido cultural adquiere una forma "mutuamente inteligible", si es variable, en la llamada "mezcla". En lugar de ser un beneficio o un derecho otorgado al estado secular, la construcción minoritaria de estos y otros temas revela la contradicción muy no resuelta del secularismo.


Author(s):  
Melchior Jakubowski

In the descriptions of Bukovуna as the new Habsburg province and in the records of the Roman Catholic Church various terms for ethnicity have functioned, sophisticatedly related to the religious denominations. Either all Orthodox inhabitants were described as Moldavians, or a difference between Orthodox Moldavians and Orthodox Ruthenians was marked. For Ruthenians (Orthodox and Greek Catholic) and their language there was no common name. All Roman Catholics were sometimes considered as Germans and Hungarians. Despite that, Catholic Church in Bukovуna from its beginning was multi-ethnic and multi-language. The ambiguity of terms is shown by the problem with distinguishing Catholic Poles and Slovaks. On the other hand, there was even a case of mistaking Ruthenians for Poles. Ethnicity and confession in Bukovina were entangled with each other, but with no strict connection, like the one functioning in Galicia (Polish Roman Catholics and Ruthenian Greek Catholics). The situation was much more complicated. The mixture of ethnicities among the faithful in both Orthodox and Catholic Churches was a factor of highest importance for the development of famous Bukovуnian tolerance. Keywords: Bukovina, ethnicity, religion, terminology


Philosophy ◽  
1937 ◽  
Vol 12 (46) ◽  
pp. 208-221
Author(s):  
Oliver Quick

The relation of knowledge to action and of theory to practice constitutes one of the most vital problems for human thought to-day. The classical philosophy, which the Catholic Church has inherited from the master-minds of ancient Greece, tends on the whole to rank theory above practice, and to maintain that ultimately we act for the sake of knowing. Characteristically modern thought, on the other hand, in most of its multifarious forms, inverts this order of precedence. We are commonly taught to-day that knowledge exists for the sake of action, and that theories are to be judged true or false according to their tendency to promote or hinder those severely practical aims, the attainment of which must constitute the main business of living. It is with the causes of this change of mind, and the judgment which we ought to pass upon its general value, that I propose to deal in this article.


1972 ◽  
Vol 18 (69) ◽  
pp. 22-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Carpenter

During the latter part of the reign of James II, the Church of Ireland was in a position of considerable delicacy. On the one hand, there was a real fear that the church would face annihilation at the hands of the ruling administration; if the threats of the catholic population had come to fruition, if the statutes passed by the Jacobite parliament of 1689 had been put into effect or if the Tyrconnell administration had remained in power any longer than it did, this fear would almost certainly have been realized. On the other hand, by the spring of 1689, Anglican churchmen could see that a Williamite victory might spell for them—as it did for the Church of Scotland—summary disestablishment. Most Irish Anglicans had already fled to England, thereby lending support to the Williamites; the northern presbyterians had actually taken up arms on the Williamite side. Only the remnant of the Church of Ireland left in Dublin seemed to be disloyal to the protestant king: and this remnant, to save its skin, had to continue outwardly loyal to its de jure and de facto monarch, James II. Whatever the outcome of the war which they all foresaw, the leaders of the remnant of the Church of Ireland can have held little hope for the future. A Jacobite victory would almost certainly mean the triumph of the catholic church and the despoiling of the Church of Ireland: a Williamite victory might well mean the triumph of the presbyterians and a partial disestablishment. In either case the Church of Ireland, dependent for its very existence on a firm establishment, would founder.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Raphaela Tkotzyk

AbstractHeinrich von Kleist’s attitude toward the Catholic Church has produced two major positions in modern German literature. On one hand, there are those who understand Kleist simply as a church critic; on the other hand, there are those who consider Kleist’s attitude – and his alleged Kantian crisis and departure from all scholars – as supportive towards the Church. Die heilige Cäcilie precisely exemplifies this debate, because, depending on the way one reads the narrative, the text can be interpreted as an endorsement or as a criticism of the Church. However, the text can be read quite differently for yet, a third, alternative understanding: the element of music involved in Die heilige Cäcilie undermines a concrete definition of its position as well as a concrete statement regarding Kleist’s religious creed. Thereby, it serves as a tool to help the reader to make decisions in terms of religious beliefs and doctrines.


2020 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Иоанн Курмояров

После распада СССР Украина оказалась в самом центре глобальных геополитических процессов, в результате которых все стали свидетелями обострившегося противостояния между западной и восточно-европейской цивилизациями. Противостояния, которые продолжаются уже не одно столетие. Одним из главных участников этого процесса является Украинская греко-католическая церковь, которая изначально создавалась, а впоследствии использовалась, как таран, применяемый Ватиканом для своего продвижения на Восток. С одной стороны, в Гаванской декларации Святейший Патриарх Московский и всея Руси Кирилл и Папа римский Франциск согласились, что недопустимо использовать неподобающие средства для принуждения верующих к переходу из одной Церкви в другую, пренебрегая их религиозной свободой и их собственными традициями, а также что метод «униатизма» прежних веков, предполагающий приведение одной общины в единство с другой путем ее отрыва от своей Церкви, не является путем к восстановлению единства. С другой стороны, на канонической территории Украинской Православной Церкви на Востоке Украины уже появляются форпосты католичества - новые храмы общины УГКЦ. В сентябре 2019 г. в Риме прошло очередное заседание синода УКГЦ. After the collapse of the USSR, Ukraine found itself at the very center of global geopolitical processes, as a result of which everyone witnessed an escalated confrontation between Western and East European civilizations. Confrontations that have been going on for centuries. One of the main participants in this process is the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, which was originally created, and subsequently used by the Vatican to advance to the East. On the one hand, in the Havana Declaration, His Holiness Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Cyril and Pope Francis agreed that it is unacceptable to use inappropriate means to force believers to move from one Church to another, neglecting their religious freedom and their own traditions, and that the method «Uniatism» of previous centuries, which implies bringing one community into unity with another by separating it from its Church, is not a way to restore unity. On the other hand, Catholic outposts - new churches of the UGCC community - are already appearing on the canonical territory of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in eastern Ukraine. In September 2019, in Rome, was held the another meeting of the Synod of the UGCC.


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