Coalition Governments Fiscal Implication for the Indian Economy

2005 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mala Lalvani

The Indian polity has been through 43 coalition governments at the state level between 1966/67 and 1998/99. In the present study we attempt to examine what this change in form of government from single party to coalitions has meant for the economy. The results of our study which examines the post 1980 period give us reason to be optimistic. Coalitions at the state government level appear to have, on an average, done well to increase capital expenditures particularly capital expenditures on social services and other developmental categories. They have, however, not succeeded in taking politically hard decisions of curbing revenue expenditures and revenue deficits. It is our contention that the weak majority of coalition governments is their major strength. The tenuous hold of coalitions on power gives them a license for undertaking reforms. If the opportunity is taken to undertake the more ‘politically difficult’ reforms to prune revenue expenditures then the ‘era of coalitions’ would turn out to be a blessing in disguise for the Indian economy

1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Montgomery Van Wart

Executive development can only be properly conceptualized as a part of the state's overall human resource development (HRD) system. As a part of that system, the special needs and constraints of executive development can be addressed. Some of the best human resource development systems build level by level, with executive development as the logical and integrated conclusion, even though the programs may be housed in a variety of settings. As background, this article discusses the differences in the four levels of HRD, the three major skill areas that are identified with each of these levels, and the four features that characterize good human resource systems. It concentrates on the features that characterize good executive development systems and also includes a number of examples of good executive development systems in the federal and state government sectors.


2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 199 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Fitzgerald

Although preventive health in Australia has been acknowledged as central to national health and wellbeing, efforts to reform the delivery of preventive health have to date produced limited results. The financing of preventive health at a national level is based on outcome- or performance-based funding mechanisms; however, delivery of interventions and activities at a state level have not been subjected to outcome-based funding processes. A new financing tool being applied in the area of social services (social impact bonds) has emerged as a possible model for application in the prevention arena. This paper explores key issues in the consideration of this funding model in the prevention arena. When preventive health is conceptualised as a merit good, the role of government is clarified and outcome measures fully articulated, social impact bonds may be a viable funding option to supplement core public health activities. What is known about the topic? The complexities of outcome monitoring in preventive health are well understood. Likewise, the problem of linking funding to outcomes from preventive health practice has also been debated at length in health policy. However, not much is known about the application of social impact bonds into the preventive health arena. What does this paper add? This paper discusses the limitations and opportunities facing the application of the social impact bond financing model in the preventive health arena. This has not been undertaken previously. What are the implications for practitioners? Social impact bonds have received significant recent attention from federal and state government treasury departments as potential financing tools for government. Health policy practitioners are watching this space very closely to see the outcomes of a New South Wales trial. Health promotion practitioners and primary care practitioners who deliver preventive services will need to keep abreast of this issue as it will have significant impact on their practice if states and territories introduce outcome-based funding processes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 121 ◽  
pp. 03013
Author(s):  
Nadezhda Anatolievna Shaidenko ◽  
Elena Yakovlevna Orekhova ◽  
Alexander Nikolaevich Sergeev ◽  
Svetlana Nikolaevna Kipurova

State family policy and its important direction, which is the improvement of the living conditions of orphans and children left without parental care, require constant updating due to socio-economic and political circumstances. Changes should concern both the state level and the level of specific regions. The improvement of the forms and methods of relations between the state, family and children in a particular country is possible with the consideration of the advanced achievements and miscalculations of other states in this policy. Therefore, it is highly important for the theory and practice of the development of Russian family state and regional policy to study the experience of France. The study made it possible to draw conclusions about the specifics of state policy in the formation of family and childhood in France. In this period, family policy in France has gone from exclusion from the family by the school to a discourse of cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the French School Orientation and Reform Act of June 8, 2013, of particular interest. It recognizes the importance of establishing partnerships between the school and the family and proposes measures of cooperation between school and family, some of which are interesting for contemporary Russian reality. The article shows the advantage of modern Russian family state policy by characterizing its goals, principles and objectives defined in the main regulatory documents of the last decade. The materials of the article are of practical value for legislators and heads of social services of different levels, specialists of educational authorities, social protection, guardianship and trusteeship. The article is of interest to teachers and students of pedagogical universities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Beckman

Abstract This article analyzes the specific issue of whether an individual could be tried for treason by a State government if that individual is not a resident or citizen of that State. This issue is analyzed through the prism of the landmark case of John Brown v. Commonwealth of Virginia, a criminal prosecution which occurred in October 1859. Brown, a resident of New York, was convicted of treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, insurrection, and murder after he attempted to overthrow the institution of slavery by force on October 16–18, 1859. After a prosecution and trial which occurred within a matter of weeks following Brown's crimes, Brown was executed on December 2, 1859. To this day, John Brown's trial and execution remains one of the leading examples of a State government exercising its power to enforce treason law on the State level and to execute an individual for that offense. Of course, the John Brown case had a major impact on American history, including being a significant factor in the presidential election of 1860 and an often-cited spark to the powder keg of tensions between the Northern and Southern States, which would erupt into a raging conflagration between the North and South in the American Civil War a short eighteen months later. However, in the legal realm, the Brown case is one of the leading and best-known examples of a state government exercising its authority to enforce its laws prohibiting treason against the State. The purpose of this article is not to discuss treason laws generally or even all the issues applicable to John Brown's trial in 1859. Rather, this article focuses only on the very specific issue of the culpability of a non-resident/non-citizen for treason against a State government. With the increased array of hostile actions against State governments in recent years, and criminal actors crossing state lines to commit these hostile acts, this article discusses an issue of importance to contemporary society, namely whether an individual can be prosecuted and convicted for treason by a State of which the defendant is not a citizen or resident.


2021 ◽  
pp. 231-247
Author(s):  
Darko Golić

Although the Constitution of the Republic of Srpska was created in extremely complex circumstances, exposed to multiple, often violent changes, the underlined constitutional concept of the organization of power and the position of the President of the Republic remained unchanged. Thanks to that fact, the Constitution of the Republic of Srpska confirmed its vitality, and enabled the stable functioning of the state government. Although the semi-presidential system (of power) implies certain elements common to all variants, there are numerous specifics of its different manifestations. In this regard, one can observe the position of the President of the Republic of Srpska, who, in addition to immediate legitimacy, has vast and independent powers, which make him the true head of the executive branch. In light of these characteristics of the position of the President of the Republic, one can speak of a stronger semi-presidential form of government. Having in mind determinism of existing solutions, the similarity with comparative models, and bearing in mind certain specifics, the author is of the opinion that established solution should not be changed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Jon Green ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
...  

In every month, April through October of 2020, we surveyed individuals in every state about how federal and state governments are reacting to the pandemic. We found a remarkably consistent picture of public opinion: respondents prefer state governments over the federal government when it comes to COVID-19. Out of 8 waves in 50 states & DC − a total of 408 surveys at the state level − in 402 state-level surveys more people in the state felt the state government was reacting “about right” to the COVID-19 outbreak as compared to the federal government; and only 6 times did people in a state choose the federal government over their state government.


Author(s):  
Rugayah Hashim ◽  
Mohd Anuar Mazuki

Local authorities or municipalities have different organizational structure and goals and as such implementing a customized information systems project requires a separate evaluation that would fit their needs. In the case of an electronic procurement (e-procurement) system, the implementation of this project at the central government level is not without challenges. Similarly, at the local government level, issues prevailed. Thus, this chapter highlights the issues encountered by twelve local authorities in the state of Selangor, Malaysia. The issues are broken down into four themes, namely, political, economic, social, and technological. It is important to note that local authorities fall within the jurisdiction of the state government; thus, more issues are abound particularly with regards to political interference. Nonetheless, the ultimate goal of having an online public procurement system is a win-win situation for both the local authority concerned and the vendors or suppliers. Hence, identifying the issues and learning from them will limit project failures or extended scheduling. Inherently, the implications of lessons learned from others who have implemented an online public procurement system will provide valuable guidelines for other lagging municipalities, yet at the same time, the late implementers will benefit more as they are able to avoid the pitfalls made by their counterparts that embarked earlier. In fact, the late-comers tend to achieve better success rate and report a significant return of investment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-202
Author(s):  
Jyoti Mishra ◽  
Vibha Attri

Several studies in the past show that the work done by the incumbent government helps the ruling party to get re-elected. However, most of these studies focus on re-election and do not look at the impact assessment of governance on trust in government, which is a precursor of re-election. To fill this gap, this article explores whether perceptions of good governance lead to trust in government. The results support the view that governance at the state level leads to a higher trust with the state government. Of all the variables used to measure governance as access, benefitting from welfare schemes had the maximum impact on trust. Other governance measures like availing public services and citizens’ interaction with the state too had a positive relationship with trust in the state government. Furthermore, having the same government at the centre and the state, strengthened one’s trust in the state government.


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