scholarly journals Abolitionist John Brown's Treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia: A Lesson for State Governments about the Culpability of Non-Residents for Treason against the State

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Beckman

Abstract This article analyzes the specific issue of whether an individual could be tried for treason by a State government if that individual is not a resident or citizen of that State. This issue is analyzed through the prism of the landmark case of John Brown v. Commonwealth of Virginia, a criminal prosecution which occurred in October 1859. Brown, a resident of New York, was convicted of treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, insurrection, and murder after he attempted to overthrow the institution of slavery by force on October 16–18, 1859. After a prosecution and trial which occurred within a matter of weeks following Brown's crimes, Brown was executed on December 2, 1859. To this day, John Brown's trial and execution remains one of the leading examples of a State government exercising its power to enforce treason law on the State level and to execute an individual for that offense. Of course, the John Brown case had a major impact on American history, including being a significant factor in the presidential election of 1860 and an often-cited spark to the powder keg of tensions between the Northern and Southern States, which would erupt into a raging conflagration between the North and South in the American Civil War a short eighteen months later. However, in the legal realm, the Brown case is one of the leading and best-known examples of a state government exercising its authority to enforce its laws prohibiting treason against the State. The purpose of this article is not to discuss treason laws generally or even all the issues applicable to John Brown's trial in 1859. Rather, this article focuses only on the very specific issue of the culpability of a non-resident/non-citizen for treason against a State government. With the increased array of hostile actions against State governments in recent years, and criminal actors crossing state lines to commit these hostile acts, this article discusses an issue of importance to contemporary society, namely whether an individual can be prosecuted and convicted for treason by a State of which the defendant is not a citizen or resident.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Jon Green ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
...  

In every month, April through October of 2020, we surveyed individuals in every state about how federal and state governments are reacting to the pandemic. We found a remarkably consistent picture of public opinion: respondents prefer state governments over the federal government when it comes to COVID-19. Out of 8 waves in 50 states & DC − a total of 408 surveys at the state level − in 402 state-level surveys more people in the state felt the state government was reacting “about right” to the COVID-19 outbreak as compared to the federal government; and only 6 times did people in a state choose the federal government over their state government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (S4) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Hannah Abelow ◽  
Cassandra Crifasi ◽  
Daniel Webster

This article argues that state government actors concerned about gun violence prevention should prioritize enactment of robust firearm purchaser regimes at the state level. First, the article outlines the empirical evidence base for purchaser licensing. Then, the article describes how state governments can design this policy. Next, the article assesses the likelihood that purchaser licensing legislation will continue to be upheld by federal courts. Finally, the article addresses the implications of this policy, aimed at curbing gun deaths, for equally important racial justice priorities. Taken together, these various considerations indicate that purchaser licensing policies are among the most effective firearm-focused laws state governments can enact to reduce gun deaths within the existing federal legislative and legal frameworks.


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Montgomery Van Wart

Executive development can only be properly conceptualized as a part of the state's overall human resource development (HRD) system. As a part of that system, the special needs and constraints of executive development can be addressed. Some of the best human resource development systems build level by level, with executive development as the logical and integrated conclusion, even though the programs may be housed in a variety of settings. As background, this article discusses the differences in the four levels of HRD, the three major skill areas that are identified with each of these levels, and the four features that characterize good human resource systems. It concentrates on the features that characterize good executive development systems and also includes a number of examples of good executive development systems in the federal and state government sectors.


2021 ◽  
pp. 229-241
Author(s):  
Maciej Rak

The article has three goals. The first is to present the history of research on Polish dialectal phrasematics. In particular, attention was paid to the last five years, i.e. the period 2015–2020. The works in question were ordered according to the dialectological key, taking into account the following dialects: Greater Polish, Masovian, Silesian, Lesser Polish, and the North and South-Eastern dialects. The second goal is to indicate the methodologies that have so far been used to describe dialectal phrasematics. Initially, component analysis was used, which was part of the structuralist research trend, later (more or less from the late 1980s) the ethnolinguistic approach, especially the description of the linguistic picture of the world, began to dominate. The third goal of the article is to provide perspectives. The author once again (as he did it in his earlier works) postulates the preparation of a dictionary of Polish dialectal phrasematics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhat Patnaik

India had been envisioned as a federation by our Constitution makers, and so states were assigned some important subjects in which the centre could have no or only limited authority. Thus state governments run by opposition parties could pursue policies different from those of the Central Government in a number of ways. But since the onset of economic ‘liberalisation’ beginning with the late 1980s the financial strength and economic role of the state governments have been constantly undermined. This came, first, through the raising of interest rates to attract foreign finance capital, which created budgetary crises for the states since they fell under heavy debt simply to pay interest on existing debt. Neo-liberal policies were then imposed on them by Finance Commissions which made compliance with these compulsory for centre’s financial assistance. More recently the states’ powers have been further curtailed by the Goods and Services Tax, which has deprived the state government of the power to determine tax rates on goods produced within the states. Another means to the same end has been the centre’s trade agreements with foreign countries, with no reference made to states whose products thereby may be priced out of the market. The demonetisation of 2016, which impacted so destructively on employment and the cooperative sector in the states, was also undertaken by the centre without any reference to the states.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-531

IN KEEPING with the recently adopted policy of reviewing in this column state and local, as well as national, events and trends dealing with the health and welfare of children, it is timely to call attention to action resulting from the Academy's Study in New York State. The following is quoted from an article by Dr. George M. Wheatley under the title of "Study of Child Health Services . . . a challenge to action": "With the completion of the New York State Study, we now have for the first time information for our State as a whole on the total amount, distribution, and character of all health services presently available to children as well as knowledge of the professional training of those who render these services. Now that we have this report with its wealth of significant data, how can we best make use of it? It will serve its primary purpose if it is used at the state level by medical, dental, public health, and welfare authorities for the development of long-range plans as well as for immediate action. Community groups throughout the State can make use of the report to study and compare, and, where indicated, work to improve their own health resources for children. For individual physicians, the study presents a responsibility and a challenge. Many practitioners will recognize similar conditions in their own counties. In private practice, in hospital and clinic affiliations, and because of important position in the community, the physician has the opportunity and the means of making a tremendous contribution to the health of children.


2005 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mala Lalvani

The Indian polity has been through 43 coalition governments at the state level between 1966/67 and 1998/99. In the present study we attempt to examine what this change in form of government from single party to coalitions has meant for the economy. The results of our study which examines the post 1980 period give us reason to be optimistic. Coalitions at the state government level appear to have, on an average, done well to increase capital expenditures particularly capital expenditures on social services and other developmental categories. They have, however, not succeeded in taking politically hard decisions of curbing revenue expenditures and revenue deficits. It is our contention that the weak majority of coalition governments is their major strength. The tenuous hold of coalitions on power gives them a license for undertaking reforms. If the opportunity is taken to undertake the more ‘politically difficult’ reforms to prune revenue expenditures then the ‘era of coalitions’ would turn out to be a blessing in disguise for the Indian economy


Author(s):  
Erik Mathisen

When southern states seceded from the United States, a fiery argument held that white southerners’ love of their home state would translate without trouble into love for a new southern nation. As a consequence of a Confederate nation that grew in size and power to fight a modern war, however, a southern nation would in time swallow southern states whole. This chapter focuses on Mississippi, where Governor John Pettus imagined a state government that would maintain its sovereignty and the loyalty of the populace. As he would discover, however, a combination of Union incursions into the state and the development of the Confederate nation, would together sap Pettus’ government of its power.


Geophysics ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 42 (7) ◽  
pp. 1394-1400 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. E. Byerly ◽  
R. H. Stolt

Magnetic total intensity anomalies in northern and central Arizona have been analyzed to locate the bases of the polarized source bodies. The base of the magnetic crust is interpreted as the position of the Curie point isotherm. Results indicate a zone of shallow Curie depth (∼10 km) in a belt, about 60 km wide, running through the center of the state. This zone, near the northern border of the Basin‐Range province, is flanked on the north and south by areas of greater Curie depth (∼20 km). The results are in agreement with regional variations in [Formula: see text] velocity in Arizona.


1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
ANNETTE TREFZER

The conflicted racial identity politics of Zora Neale Hurston climaxed in a statement printed in February 1943 in the New York Herald Telegram. In the article, “When Negro Succeeds, South is Proud,” Hurston argued that “the Jim Crow system works.” Hurston later retracted this statement, claiming that it was taken out of context and grossly distorted. Hurston said that her point was to show that “there was plenty of race prejudice both north and south” but that the South “by opportunity of long practice had worked out a system, while the North, caught between declarations of no prejudice, and its actual feelings [ctdot ] was groping around for the same thing, but with fine phrases.”


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