Decent work for the digital platform workers. A preliminary survey in Beijing

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-63
Author(s):  
Y. Xu ◽  
D. Liu

This paper discusses the status and implications of the employment relations and working conditions experienced by digital platform workers; the analysis is based on a survey conducted in 2017 on 1 338 workers engaged in work-on-demand via apps (WODVA) from 25 platforms in Beijing, of whom 48.8 % are full-time WODVA workers or take WODVA as their primary job. The survey finds that nearly a half of the respondents engage in platform work due to a lack of employment opportunities in formal labor markets or their permanent jobs providing insufficient income. The respondents reveal substantial decent work deficits in representation, compensation, job stability, social protection, working time, and health and safety: 1) WODVA workers seldom have any voice in labor dispute settlements and have a very low rate of unionization; 2) about one third of the full-time WODVA workers cannot earn a living wage and 7.6 % of them earn less than the minimum wage level; 3) three quarters of the full-time WODVA workers have no labor contract with the platforms or other employers, nor access to employer-contributed social insurances; 4) overtime work and underemployment coexist among full-time respondents, with nearly 10 % working for fewer than 4 hours per day while nearly 10 % work for more than 11 hours per day; 5) a majority of respondents run a higher risk of occupational health or physical risks, without any protection provided by the platforms or employers. To promote decent work by digital platform workers, the State needs to establish a portable social security system extending to all workers, to facilitate association and collective actions of platform workers either by extending the outreach of traditional unions or fostering new forms of organizations, to leverage digital technology to facilitate platform workers’ organization and information sharing, and even to promote universal basic income and a workers’ cooperative of platforms in the long run.

Author(s):  
Alessio Bertolini ◽  
Maren Borkert ◽  
Fabian Ferrari ◽  
Mark Graham

AbstractThe Fairwork Project is an international action-research project that currently operates in over 20 countries. The project focuses on working conditions in the platform economy, in order to develop ‘fairness ratings’ for digital labour platforms. With respect to Germany, the project evaluated the working conditions offered by ten digital labour platforms, by scoring them against the Fairwork principles and producing a national league table. We found that even in a highly regulated labour market context like the German one, platform workers experience precarity and insecurity and have limited access to employment rights. A number of platform workers are classified as employees rather than self-employed, and this guarantees a number of employment rights, including entitlement to minimum wage, health and safety protection and social protection. However, the existence of an employment relationship does not necessarily ensure platform work to be fair as other factors, including the existence of complex networks of subcontracting, erode labour standards and deprive workers of basic employment rights.Practical Relevance: While there are tens of millions of digital platform workers around the world performing functions essential to society—as demonstrated drastically by the Covid-19 pandemic—by supplying food, care and passenger transportation services, many platform workers face low pay, precarity as well as poor and dangerous working conditions. Exposing fracture lines of inequalities affecting particularly women, migrants and minority-ethnic groups who form the core part of the gig workforce, the international Fairwork research project aims not just to understand the gig economy, but to change it.


Author(s):  
Jürgen Wiemers ◽  
Kerstin Bruckmeier

SummarySince Germany’s social assistance reform (“Hartz-IV-Reform”) in 2005 there has been a strong increase in the number of working poor and long-term unemployed. This development is often attributed to the remaining disincentives of the reformed social assistance to take up a low-paid full time job. Therefore, several proposals have been worked out to reduce these disincentives. In this paper we analyse an in-work benefit programme considered by the German government, which follows the proposal of Bofinger et al. (2006). We employ a microsimulation model for estimating labour supply as well as distributional and fiscal effects of this reform proposal.We provide “morning after effects”, i.e. fiscal effects without considering behavioural adjustments, and long run effects, which take into account the labour supply response following the introduction of the reform.We predict the labour supply responses by estimating a discrete choice model for different household types and find a moderate increase in labour supply (103,000 full-time equivalents) as well as overall low negative participation effects. The distributional analysis reveals an overall increase in poverty rates caused by lower earnings disregards as well as substantial deadweight losses, since a large part of the in-work benefit accrues to households who do not belong to the working poor in the status quo.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rachel Hyde

<p>There are an estimated 52.6 million domestic workers in the world, 83 per cent of whom are women, and many of whom work in poor conditions for low pay. Globally, domestic work is an under-regulated and under-valued sector. In an effort to address the precariousness of domestic work, the International Labour Organization adopted Convention No 189, concerning decent work for domestic workers. The Convention came into force on 5 September 2013. It provides for global minimum standards in areas in respect to which domestic workers should enjoy employment and social protection. The rights of domestic workers in New Zealand are addressed in a number of pieces of legislation, including the Employment Relations Act 2000, the Health and Safety in Employment Act 1992, and the Human Rights Act 1993. Although some categories of domestic worker receive protection under the legislation, others do not. This paper argues that the coverage of domestic workers in New Zealand is confusing and incomplete. For many domestic workers in New Zealand low pay and poor working conditions are a reality. If New Zealand’s domestic workers are to receive the same protection as other New Zealand employees and those domestic workers in nations that have ratified Convention No 189, then ratification of the Convention and associated domestic legislative change may be necessary to bring domestic law into line with international labour law. In the absence of ratification there are a number of options that could be pursued to improve the working lives of domestic workers in New Zealand.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rachel Hyde

<p>There are an estimated 52.6 million domestic workers in the world, 83 per cent of whom are women, and many of whom work in poor conditions for low pay. Globally, domestic work is an under-regulated and under-valued sector. In an effort to address the precariousness of domestic work, the International Labour Organization adopted Convention No 189, concerning decent work for domestic workers. The Convention came into force on 5 September 2013. It provides for global minimum standards in areas in respect to which domestic workers should enjoy employment and social protection. The rights of domestic workers in New Zealand are addressed in a number of pieces of legislation, including the Employment Relations Act 2000, the Health and Safety in Employment Act 1992, and the Human Rights Act 1993. Although some categories of domestic worker receive protection under the legislation, others do not. This paper argues that the coverage of domestic workers in New Zealand is confusing and incomplete. For many domestic workers in New Zealand low pay and poor working conditions are a reality. If New Zealand’s domestic workers are to receive the same protection as other New Zealand employees and those domestic workers in nations that have ratified Convention No 189, then ratification of the Convention and associated domestic legislative change may be necessary to bring domestic law into line with international labour law. In the absence of ratification there are a number of options that could be pursued to improve the working lives of domestic workers in New Zealand.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muralidharan Loganathan

Sustainable Development Goal 8 to “Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all” necessitates country level measures across the world. We take forward a comparative analysis of India’s SDG 8 indicator list with both the UN and ILO measurements. We note inadequate measurements on social-protection and rights for non-standard forms of employment including gig work, that are intermediated by ICT platforms. From our analysis we identify some levers to broaden the current indicator measurements to include these non-standard workers as well, to improve social sustainability.


ILAR Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-126
Author(s):  
John Bradfield ◽  
Esmeralda Meyer ◽  
John N Norton

Abstract Institutions with animal care and use programs are obligated to provide for the health and well-being of the animals, but are equally obligated to provide for safety of individuals associated with the program. The topics in this issue of the ILAR Journal, in association with those within the complimentary issue of the Journal of Applied Biosafety, provide a variety of contemporary occupational health and safety considerations in today’s animal research programs. Each article addresses key or emerging occupational health and safety topics in institutional animal care and use programs, where the status of the topic, contemporary challenges, and future directions are provided.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

In presenting my valedictory to this distinguished Association which has honored me by selecting me as its President, I should like to point out by way of introduction what has happened to this office, and therefore to me, during the past year. I have heard of one of my distinguished predecessors some twenty-five years ago who had little else to do as President of this Association than work all year on his presidential address. This was important work and I have no word of criticism of it. But the Association has changed, and today it leaves to the harried wearer of its presidential toga little time to reflect about the status of political science and his own impact, if any, upon it. An active Association life, now happily centered in our new Washington office, is enough to occupy the full time of your President, and universities as well as this Association might well take note. Therefore, in presenting my own reflections to you this evening in accordance with the custom of our Association, I do so without the benefit of the generous time and scholarly leisure which were the privileges of some of my distinguished predecessors.Nevertheless I do base my presidential address today upon my own active participation in the problems of government, as well as upon my scholarly experience. I have extracted it in part from the dynamics of pulsating political life. It has whatever authority I may possess after having been exposed these twenty-five years to the cross-fire of politics, domestic and foreign, as well as to the benign and corrective influences of eager students and charitable colleagues.


1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (03) ◽  
pp. 318-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Gruberg ◽  
Virginia Sapiro

In the late sixties, women in the United States became sensitized to their second-class status and organized to raise their consciousness and change their conditions. At the same time women in academia began to organize within their disciplines to address the problems they faced there. Political science was no exception; in 1969, when women constituted 5 percent of the membership of the APSA and 8 percent of all political science faculty teaching in colleges and universities, the APSA Committee on the Status of Women in the Profession and the Women's Caucus for Political Science formed. Numerous reports have revealed a moderate increase in the presence of women in the profession in recent years. As Table 1 shows, the percentage of degrees in political science awarded to women has increased since 1970. By the academic year 1976–77 women constituted 11 percent of full-time faculty and 18 percent of part-time faculty. Twenty-three percent of the students entering Ph.D. programs in 1977 were women, a downturn of 3 percent from the previous year, although an overall rise from the previous decade.


Author(s):  
Marina Batista Chaves Azevedo de Souza ◽  
Viviane Fonseca Santos ◽  
Daniela Da Silva Rodrigues

A arte desenhada sobre papel simboliza os trabalhadores e as trabalhadoras, e suas constantes lutas sociais pela manutenção dos direitos trabalhistas no Brasil, conquistados na década de 1943, com a Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas (CLT). Trata-se de um estatuto de Normas Regulamentadoras - NR de relações individuais e coletivas de trabalho para aqueles contratados formalmente com vínculo empregatício. Em 2017, o Governo aprova a Lei nº 13.467, reconhecida como Reforma Trabalhista, a qual exclui mais de cem artigos da CLT, reduz direitos e o papel do Estado em relação à proteção da dignidade do trabalhador. Posteriormente, a classe trabalhadora sofreu novo impacto em 2019, momento em que o Governo Federal promoveu a extinção do Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego (MTE), órgão responsável pela fiscalização e regulamentação das relações de trabalho no país. Isso gerou o fracionamento das atribuições das Leis de trabalho em três pastas ministeriais, fragilizando ainda mais as normas trabalhistas, dificultando a interlocução entre o trabalhador e empregadores e formalizando a precarização do trabalho. Nesse sentido, a imagem representa os desmontes que o trabalhador vem sofrendo, ao longo dos anos, em relação à legislação e aos direitos trabalhistas, mas também à saúde e à previdência social. A flexibilização das relações no ambiente laboral revela uma nova configuração do mundo do trabalho, uma realidade ainda mais perversa, pautada em um discurso neoliberalista de "menos direitos e mais liberdade para o trabalhador", porém, que carrega como consequências a redução do emprego digno, de saúde e segurança para os trabalhadores brasileiros. AbstractThe art drawn on paper symbolizes the workers and their constant social struggles for the maintenance of labor rights in Brazil, conquered in the 1943s by the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT). The CLT is a statute of the Regulatory Norms - NR about individual and collective labor relations for those formally hired with an employment relationship. In the year of 2017, the Government approved the Law 13.467 that implemented a Labor Reform, which excludes more than one hundred articles from CLT reducing many workers rights and the role of the State regarding the protection and dignity of the workers. Subsequently, the working class suffered a new impact in the year of 2019, when the Federal Government extinguished the Ministry of Labor and Employment (MTE), the institution responsible to monitor and regulate labor relations in Brazil. This fact caused a division of the attributions of the Labor Laws into Three Ministerial Portfolios, further weakening labor standards making it more difficult for workers and employers to communicate with each other, formalizing precarious work. Thus, this image represents the problems workers has been suffering, over the years, due to the lack of labor rights, health and social security. The flexibilization of labor relations reveals a new configuration for the labor society and provides an even more perverse reality based on a neoliberalist discourse that propagates the idea of "less rights and more freedom for the workers", reducing decent employment, health and safety for Brazilian workers.Keywords: Labor Legislation; Occupational Health; Occupational Therapy; Precarious Employment; Work. ResumenEl arte dibujado en papel simboliza a los trabajadores masculinos y femeninos, y sus constantes luchas sociales para el mantenimiento de los derechos laborales en Brasil, logrados en la década de 1943, con la Consolidación de las Leyes Laborales (CLT). Este es un estatuto de Normas Reguladoras - NR de relaciones trabajo individual y colectivo para aquellos formalmente contratados. En 2017, el Gobierno aprobó la Ley 13.467, reconocida como Reforma Laboral, que excluye más de cien artículos del CLT, reduce los derechos y el papel del Estado en relación con la protección de la dignidad de los trabajadores. Posteriormente, la clase trabajadora sufrió un nuevo impacto en 2019, cuando el Gobierno Federal promovió la extinción del Ministerio de Trabajo y Empleo (MTE), el organismo responsable de la inspección y regulación de las relaciones laborales en el país. Esto condujo a la división de las atribuciones de las leyes laborales en tres carteras ministeriales, debilitando aún más las normas laborales, dificultando la comunicación entre trabajadores y empleadores y formalizando el trabajo precario. En este sentido, la imagen representa el desmantelamiento que el trabajador ha estado sufriendo, a lo largo de los años, en relación con la legislación y los derechos laborales, pero también con la salud y la seguridad social. La flexibilización de las relaciones en el entorno laboral revela una nueva configuración del mundo del trabajo, una realidad aún más perversa, basada en un discurso neoliberalista de "menos derechos y más libertad para el trabajador", pero con la consecuencia de reducir el empleo decente, salud y seguridad para los trabajadores brasileños.Palabras clave: Empleo Precario; Legislación Laboral; Salud Laboral; Terapia Ocupacional; Trabajo.      


Electronics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 2550
Author(s):  
Jean Park ◽  
Juyeop Kim

LoRa Wide Area Networks (LoRaWAN) can provide a connectivity service to Internet of Things (IoT) for an extremely long run-time and with low power consumption. As the LoRaWAN is extensively applied to various IoT scenarios, LoRaWAN solutions face a flexibility issue in terms of inter-operating with various kinds of LoRa modem hardware and protocol scenarios. In this regard, we design a unified protocol architecture for LoRaWAN physical layer, which can flexibly correspond to various deployment and operational cases. The new protocol architecture includes a hardware abstraction sub-layer, which contains generalized handlers for configuring various kinds of the LoRa modem, and a physical procedure sub-layer that structurally models the physical layer procedures of the LoRaWAN based on Finite State Machine(FSM). We illustrate the flexibility of the new protocol architecture by implementing an extensive feature that enhances the packet reception ratio based on the status of preamble detection. For evaluating the new protocol architecture, we implement the LoRaWAN physical layer protocol on real-time embedded systems and conduct experiments. The experimental results show that the proposed protocol robustly transmits and receives packets and generates little amount of additional burden compared with the conventional open source protocol provided by SemTech.


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