scholarly journals Protected black and Acadian electoral districts in Nova Scotia: a case study in institutionalised surrogate representation

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Michael J. Wigginton

From 1991 to 2011, the political representation of the Acadian and black populations of Nova Scotia was ensured via four ‘protected ridings’ - electoral districts with population sizes well below median size created for their significant minority presence, a unique initiative that remains little examined in the literature. Through the reports of the electoral boundaries commissions, I examine the models of representation implicit in this system and use them to further the definition of surrogate representation presented by Jane Mansbridge, finding that what emerged was a system of institutionalised surrogate representation, wherein Acadians and African Nova Scotians throughout the province were represented by the representatives of the protected ridings. Beyond providing an overview of the unique Nova Scotian case, this paper also furthers the literature on surrogate representation by demonstrating that surrogate representation can be subdivided into two forms, which I categorise as ‘promissory/anticipatory surrogate representation’ and ‘gyroscopic surrogate representation’.

Author(s):  
Smita Ramnarain

Critiques of liberal, top-down approaches to peacebuilding have motivated a discussion of alternative, locally-led, and community-based approaches to achieving and maintaining sustainable peace. This article uses a case study of women's savings and credit cooperatives in post-violence Nepal to examine the ways in which grassroots-based, locally-led peace initiatives can counter top-down approaches. The article presents ethnographic evidence from fieldwork in Nepal on how cooperatives expand through their everyday activities the definition of peace to include not only the absence of violence (negative peace) but transformatory goals such as social justice (positive peace). By focusing on ongoing root causes of structural violence, cooperatives problematize the postconflict period where pre-war normalcy is presumed to have returned. They emphasize local agency and ownership over formal peace processes. The findings suggest ongoing struggles that cooperatives face due to their existence within larger, liberal paradigms of international postconflict aid and reconstruction assistance. Their uneasy relationship with liberal economic structures limit their scale and scope of effectiveness even as they provide local alternatives for peacebuilding.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mette Marie Roslyng ◽  
Bolette B Blaagaard

This article argues that the definition of the political and its role in on- and offline public spheres calls for a conceptualization that takes into account the networked connections established between lay and professional political actors, mass media and mobile media. While acknowledging the importance of popular and mass media’s impact on participatory and democratic processes, this article focuses on the cultural citizen and proposes that a rethinking of publics affords a new understanding of the idea of networks as a series of connection points fostering a dynamic and relational view on the political. We illustrate this conceptualization through a case study mapping the agonistic and antagonistic frontiers in communication in a variety of publics and counter-publics in the context of Danish minority culture and politics.


Author(s):  
Livnat Holtzman

This chapter introduces the corpus of aḥādīth al-ṣifāt and its role in shaping the traditionalistic definition of anthropomorphism through the case-study of an anthropomorphic tradition attributed to Mujahid, one of the earliest Quran exegetes. According to this tradition, the ‘honourable station’ (maqām maḥmūd) which is mentioned in Quran 17:79, denotes that the Prophet Muhammad will sit on the heavenly throne with God. This marginal tradition which was rejected by the majority of the traditionalists became an iconic text due the relentless efforts of the Baghdadian Hanbalites of the ninth and tenth centuries. The Hanbalites toiled to prove the antiquity and the authenticity of the text, while using an array of rhetorical devices to promote this text and sanctify it. Thus, Abu Bakr al-Marwazi (d. 888), who was Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s (d. 855) foremost disciple, used to illustrate Muhammad’s sitting on the throne by standing up and sitting down. This gesture conveyed the Hanbalite creed that Muhammad’s sitting on the throne was actual rather than metaphoric. The political events that accompanied this anthropomorphic text are also surveyed in this chapter.


Author(s):  
Lucy Rose Wright ◽  
Ross Fraser Young

This chapter is an introduction to the concept of political gardening; it aims to inform the reader of the political turn in the urban gardening movement. It begins by contextualising the re-evaluation of ‘everyday space’ through the neoliberal processes of privatisation, devolution and entrepreneurialism. It then marries together these processes with the rise of academic interest in urban gardening and a more recently the political aspect of this movement. The chapter then conflates the ideas of political gardening with injustice based on Rawls theory of social justice. Case study examples are then used to unpack the process of political gardening – in six iterative stages - in dealing with these injustices, arriving at a working definition of what political gardening is and that it is not just a term but also a process in which participants undergo towards becoming engaged ‘democratised’ citizens.


Author(s):  
Heather Sarsons

Transylvania was, in 1437, a political community in which the interests of only a select few were represented. The definition of who belonged to the political community had a large impact on whose interests were reflected in the laws and policies that were set at the time. The presence of three distinct ethnic groups, the Romanians, the Magyars, and the Saxons, complicated this definition and, in consequence, whose interests would be represented. Although both were ethnic minorities, the Magyars and the Saxons held the majority of the political power in 1437 (Domonkos, 1983). Cultural friction between the Magyars and the Romanians resulted in the Magyars using their positions to deny the Romanians participation in politics, thereby preventing the Romanian culture from having any influence in Transylvania (Otetea, 1985). This paper examines the effects that the deprivation of political representation for the Romanians had on the political structure, laws, feudal obligations, and conscription policy in 1437 Transylvania and how this deprivation influenced the Babolna Peasant Revolt of 1437. Specifically, the Magyars were able to prevent the Romanians from receiving political representation by imposing restraints on who could participate in politics. This resulted in the denial of Romanian rights and allowed the Magyars to increase feudal and military obligations. As these burdens became more onerous, the Romanians became increasingly oppressed and were eventually forced to oppose the Magyars, giving way to the Babolna Peasant Revolt of 1437.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-342
Author(s):  
Jessica T Bundy

This case study explores the experiences of African Nova Scotian women in relation to the police. Three semi-structured interviews were conducted with Black women living in a rural Nova Scotian community with a well-documented history of confrontations between the police and the Black community. Interviews explored their experiences with the police, their community’s experiences with the police, and their relationship with the police. My analysis revealed that participants did not trust the police, felt targeted by the police, and did not feel protected by the police. Their perceptions of the police were shaped by their own interactions with the police – often as Black mothers – and the experiences of the Black men in their lives in rural Nova Scotia. Some had engaged in active resistance and protection of their community. This article explores how anti-Blackness affects Black women directly and indirectly, contributing to the existing scholarship about over-policing of Black communities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (23) ◽  
pp. 6712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle S. Bunds ◽  
Christopher M. McLeod ◽  
Martin Barrett ◽  
Joshua I. Newman ◽  
Joerg Koenigstorfer

Sport stadia are political objects that carry an environmental cost. The purpose of this research is to add to previous literature by theorizing the political process of stadium construction in a way that accounts for how environmental issues are introduced into the political process and, therefore, offers a more accurate lens through which to interpret how sustainable stadia are constructed. We conducted a case study of SC Freiburg’s carbon-neutral stadium construction process to theorize the object-oriented politics of sport facility construction. SC Freiburg is a German football club, playing in the Bundesliga. To examine the case, we employed a key informant interview and document analysis using Nexis Uni searches, local newspaper articles, official city documents, and social media websites. The case study of SC Freiburg’s carbon neutral stadium construction process showed that environmental concerns were included through a political process that incorporated the interests of a diverse public of human and nonhuman actors (while excluding some actors whose interests could not be reconciled) to produce a sustainable matter of fact. Additionally, we propose a pragmatic definition of stadium sustainability and suggest that environmental activists should make sure that both human and nonhuman actors with sustainability concerns are included in the stadium’s material public.


Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.


Author(s):  
Máté Zombory

This article proposes to reconsider the relation between populism and democracy. Instead of taking democracy as a given, it will study populism in the context of democratization in a case study from a historical sociological perspective. The post-war and pre-Cold War historical context is analyzed here on the example of Hungary. First, I analyze the public debate on democracy in order to map out the discursive field in which the different political positions were taken. I show that the debate was about the legitimate definition of the political community, the demos. Second, I situate the political wing of the Hungarian populist movement in this discursive field. I establish that the position of the populists’ party did not differ considerably from the standpoint of the other participants: the basic populist claims and references were articulated as part of the problem of democracy. Third, I analyze the continuity of the populist tradition in the context of the post-war redefinition of the ethnoscape, that is, in relation to the “Jewish question” and the “German question”.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 2125
Author(s):  
Zening Xu ◽  
Xiaolu Gao ◽  
Zhiqiang Wang ◽  
Jie Fan

Urban parks play a key role in urban sustainable development. This paper proposes a method for the evaluation of public parks from the perspective of accessibility and quality. The method includes the data extraction of urban park locations and the delineation of urban built-up areas. The processing of urban park data not only involves the extraction from digital maps, but also the classification of urban parks using a semi-automated model in ArcGIS. The urban area is identified using the Point of Interest (POI) data in digital maps, taking economic and human activities into consideration. The service area and its overlapped time is included in the evaluation indicators. With a clear definition of park and urban built-up area, the evaluation result of urban parks is of great comparability. Taking China as an example, the quality of urban parks in 273 prefecture-level cities has been evaluated. The results show that the average service coverage of urban parks in Chinese cities is 64.8%, and that there are significant disparities between cities with different population sizes and locations. The results suggest the necessity to improve public parks in small-and-medium sized cities and inland areas to strengthen the coordination of urbanization and regional development.


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