United States-China Trade War 2019

Author(s):  
Hassan Syed ◽  
Sema Yilmaz Genç

Global economics has two versions. One is the economic realities that are based on our lived world view and explained by our experience of it each day. The other is the complex and theoretical economic view presented by mainstream economists. There is no correlation between the two world views. There is little respect left for the ‘predictions' offered by mainstream economics through the use of obfuscating mathematics in practical business decision making. The 2008 financial crisis made this position even more profound. China, the United States, and Europe are the three main contributors to the total productivity of the globe.

Divested ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 9-27
Author(s):  
Ken-Hou Lin ◽  
Megan Tobias Neely

This chapter discusses the definition of finance and the meaning of financialization, a concept introduced long before the 2008 financial crisis that has since gained popularity in both academic and public discussion. It argues that finance, while having served an important function in many societies, has become too much of a good thing in the United States, and cites evidence demonstrating its extraordinary growth in and beyond the last quarter of the 20th century. The chapter also provides a brief historical account that identifies the political and institutional roots of financialization, from the Bretton Woods Agreement to the political reorientation in the 1980s, underscoring that the shift was not a natural result of capitalist economy but a historical product contingent on a wide variety of developments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Flisfeder

This article examines the rise of the alt-right and Donald Trump’s successful campaign for president of the United States in the context of three overlapping contradictions: that of subversion in postmodern culture and politics, that between the democratic and commercial logics of the media, and that of the failure of the Left in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The article looks at the rise of “Trumpism” and the new brand of white nationalist and misogynistic culture of the so-called alt-right in its historical context to show how it is consistent with but also distinguished from previous right-wing ideologies. More generally, the three contradictions presented here are proposed as explanations for understanding the mainstreaming of the alt-right in contemporary politics and culture.


Author(s):  
Wilhelmina Djoleto

It stands with no contention that a society without virtues and values would be a muddled one, and etiquette is a systemic rectitude that helps shape society. The once eccentric Internet now epitomises regularized modern society and has paved way for new diverse business processes and operations that necessitate critical decision making. These proliferating business processes have been termed e-business or e-commerce, both of which have been used interchangeably in the literature. We consider two groups in the United States of America – business organisations and Higher Education Institutions; specifically the different higher education systems in the United States. Traditionally white institutions are of choice, as members of the Internet society in this chapter. A reconnoitring of the etiquettes of the Internet and e-business vis-à-vis decision making is presented and readers are driven through the elements of etiquettes that govern e-business and how these impact businesses as a whole. It would not be over-amplified to state that this component of e-business is important in ways that translate into institutions’ and organisations’ efficacies. The Higher Education Institutions and organisations vary in size and ownership, each institution or organisation deals with the essence of e-etiquette and the data show direct relationships between e-etiquette, decision making and the success of organisations and institutions and e-societal members.


Author(s):  
Judge Glock

Despite almost three decades of strong and stable growth after World War II, the US economy, like the economies of many developed nations, faced new headwinds and challenges after 1970. Although the United States eventually overcame many of them, and continues to be one of the most dynamic in the world, it could not recover its mid-century economic miracle of rapid and broad-based economic growth. There are three major ways the US economy changed in this period. First, the US economy endured and eventually conquered the problem of high inflation, even as it instituted new policies that prioritized price stability over the so-called “Keynesian” goal of full employment. Although these new policies led to over two decades of moderate inflation and stable growth, the 2008 financial crisis challenged the post-Keynesian consensus and led to new demands for government intervention in downturns. Second, the government’s overall influence on the economy increased dramatically. Although the government deregulated several sectors in the 1970s and 1980s, such as transportation and banking, it also created new types of social and environmental regulation that were more pervasive. And although it occasionally cut spending, on the whole government spending increased substantially in this period, until it reached about 35 percent of the economy. Third, the US economy became more open to the world, and it imported more manufactured goods, even as it became more based on “intangible” products and on services rather than on manufacturing. These shifts created new economic winners and losers. Some institutions that thrived in the older economy, such as unions, which once compromised over a third of the workforce, became shadows of their former selves. The new service economy also created more gains for highly educated workers and for investors in quickly growing businesses, while blue-collar workers’ wages stagnated, at least in relative terms. Most of the trends that affected the US economy in this period were long-standing and continued over decades. Major national and international crises in this period, from the end of the Cold War, to the first Gulf War in 1991, to the September 11 attacks of 2001, seemed to have only a mild or transient impact on the economy. Two events that were of lasting importance were, first, the United States leaving the gold standard in 1971, which led to high inflation in the short term and more stable monetary policy over the long term; and second, the 2008 financial crisis, which seemed to permanently decrease American economic output even while it increased political battles about the involvement of government in the economy. The US economy at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century was richer than it had ever been, and remained in many respects the envy of the world. But widening income gaps meant many Americans felt left behind in this new economy, and led some to worry that the stability and predictability of the old economy had been lost.


Author(s):  
John Zhuang Liu ◽  
Lars Klöhn ◽  
Holger Spamann

Abstract We experimentally study the decision-making process of judges in China, where judges are specifically prohibited from citing prior decisions as the basis for their judgments, and where, in past surveys, most judges explicitly stated that precedent played at most a marginal role in their decisions. In an experiment resembling real-world judicial decision making, we find, however, that precedent seems to have a significant influence on the decisions of the participating Chinese judges. Indeed, judges spend more time reading prior cases than statutes, and they typically read precedents before they access the statutes. On the other hand, judges rarely mention the precedent in their reasons. Our findings suggest that the Chinese judiciary operates much more similarly to its homologues in the United States and elsewhere than their written opinions and much folklore would suggest.


1964 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-143
Author(s):  
Arthur M. Johnson

In this second special issue devoted to government-business relations, the focus is exclusively on the United States' experience, just as the Spring, 1964 issue concentrated solely on experience abroad. This approach is in keeping with the Editors' view that business history is international in scope, that there are virtues in comparative approaches to the subject, and that public authority has formed and will continue to form significant parameters for private business decision-making.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-160
Author(s):  
Jin Kyo Suh

One of the biggest risks to the world economy today is the U.S.–China trade tension. Korea is said to be particularly vulnerable to the trade conflict between the two economic giants because the United States and China are its two largest trading partners. Under the scenario that both the United States and China mutually impose 25 percent of tariffs on all imports, Korea's exports are projected to be reduced by USD 13.3 billion, just 2.2 percent of total exports in 2018. This apparent low impact is because a significant portion of Korea's exports to China are used for domestic consumption in China, not for re-export to third countries, including the United States. The adverse impact of the tit-for-tat tariffs between these two countries on Korea's exports may not be fully realized yet, however, because of the efforts by individual firms to avoid pre-announced tariffs. Thus, more time is needed to properly capture the influences of the U.S.–China trade tensions on the Korean economy. On the other hand, the current World Trade Organization (WTO) reform led by developed countries such as the United States, EU, and Japan can be interpreted as another version of a bilateral trade conflict between the United States and China. In fact, it targets state-owned enterprises’ (SOEs) subsidies, which are the backbone of China's state-led economic development model. Furthermore, WTO reform is closely related to U.S. complaints that the WTO cannot effectively control the unfair trade practices of non-market economies like China. Considering the consensus-based decision-making mechanism of the WTO, it is highly unlikely that WTO members will derive a successful agreement on the current WTO reform. Again, the WTO is in danger of dichotomy; one group led by developed members and the other group composed mostly of developing members. Each group will try to make new trade norms suited to only their own taste.


Author(s):  
Peter Temin

The United States has a dual financial system; the FTE sector has financial assets, and the low-wage sector has personal debts. Financial policies after the 2008 financial crisis did not include effective mortgage relief for low-wage house owners. Housing, the largest asset of the bottom of the FTE sector, turned into a liability for poor black, brown and white mortgage holders. Education debts for low-wage workers trying to move to the FTE sector have grown to rival outstanding housing debts. These debts arise as states neglect public universities who raise tuition to replace state funds. For-profit universities inhibit reform of education financing as private prisons inhibit reform of mass incarceration.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Zulfiqar Ali Keeryo ◽  
Jazib Mumtaz ◽  
Allah Bux Lakhan

This research study attempts to explore the effect of a trade war between the United States of America and China on Pakistan and other regional countries exports to the United States of America. The difference-in-difference methodology used to obtain the coefficients of each country to estimate the change in exports to the US from China, India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. The empirical results indicate that due to the imposition of US tariffs, China�s exports to the US reduced by 39%, whereas Pakistan�s exports to the US lowered by 3%. India and Bangladesh, on the other hand, gains from the trade war with India�s exports increased by 39% and Bangladesh�s exports increased by 50%. Therefore, it can conclude that the US-China trade war does not bring positivity to overall Pakistan�s trade position.


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