Citizen Mobilization and the “Right to Decide” Movement in Catalonia (2010-2014)

Author(s):  
Joan Nogué ◽  
Jordi de San Eugenio Vela

For the purposes of this chapter, it is interesting to analyse the arguments that justify the secessionist cause in Catalonia and, in particular, whether this bottom-up social demand falls within the scope of the democratically admissible. Similarly, it is important to determine how the Catalan people's ‘taking to the streets' represents a concrete political response with which in some form the will of the Catalan people has conditioned and even precipitated the political agenda of the current government. What has happened in Catalonia highlights the new—and prevailing—role played by civil society in public affairs. Within this framework, new questions arise regarding the counterpower exercised by citizens through massive, peaceful, and recurrent social mobilizations, which can, as a whole, be considered a spontaneous manifestation of participatory democracy.

Subject Czech Euroscepticism. Significance The right-liberal ANO 2011 party led by Andrej Babis won legislative elections last month. Its wide margin of victory owed something to its Eurosceptic discourse. Czech Euroscepticism is the product of populist mobilisation on the political right and the centre’s failure to make a positive case for EU membership. With the hard Eurosceptic Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party joining the Europhobic Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCM) in parliament, leaving the EU is guaranteed a prominent place on the political agenda. Impacts Moderate Czech (and Austrian) enthusiasm for deeper integration will mean that inner and outer ‘circles’ of EU membership will solidify. A deepening split within the Visegrad Group will make opposition to EU reform difficult to sustain for Poland and Hungary. The president has added his weight to a referendum on ‘Czexit’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sevil Sümer ◽  
Hande Eslen-Ziya

This article focuses on the resurgence of women’s movements in Turkey and Norway against the backdrop of their historical trajectories and wider gender policies. Throughout the 2010s, both countries witnessed a similar set of conservative and neoliberal policies that intervened in women’s bodily rights. In both countries, women’s movements responded with mass mobilizations and influenced the political agenda. The proposed restrictions on abortion were interpreted as a restriction on women’s basic bodily rights in both countries. This article argues that a feminist, multidimensional reconceptualization of the concept of citizenship and a definition of abortion as an element of women’s bodily citizenship rights are useful to promote a strong and encompassing argument for mobilization. The comparative analysis shows that the right to control one’s own body has been a unifying issue for women’s movements in Turkey and Norway which are gradually becoming more inclusive.


Author(s):  
Hannu Nieminen

There is no immediate or absolute relationship between the media and democracy in the sense that, without media, there could be no democracy. Similarly, it does not follow that with the (modern) media comes democracy. Autocracies exist wherein the media supports a political system, and likewise, democracies exist wherein the media works to undermine a political system. However, most often the media and democracy are viewed as supporting each other. This connection is the product of a long historical development, one peculiar to European (and North American) societies, involving not only institutions and practices directly linked to the media-based and democratic processes, but numerous other institutions (such as education, the political system, religion, etc.) as well. The media are not the only institutions that promote (or do not promote) democratic legitimacy. Other major institutions of such influence include education, religion, public authority, cultural institutions, and political systems, among others. From a wider societal viewpoint, the role of the media is rather reduced in influence. If, for example, an education system is based on ethnic or other forms of segregation, or if there is widespread religious intolerance, or if public authority suffers from corruption, it is obvious that the media has only so many resources to encourage systemic legitimacy. The fundamental interrelatedness of different social institutions makes it difficult, or even impossible, to study the media as a phenomenon isolated from the rest of society. For this reason, we should be careful when making comparisons between the media in different countries, even the media outlets within liberal democracies. In addition, there is no consensus as to the right balance of media and other social institutions in a democracy. Throughout the history of democracy, the relations between institutions (the political system, economy, media, and civil society) have undergone renegotiations and adjustments during times of crisis. Over the past few decades, this relationship appears to have reached a new crisis, one that continues to this day and still lacks a clear solution. In many countries, civil society–based media reform movements have been established with clear goals to further democratize media systems. One of the key arguments of these movements has centered on the contradiction between the constitutional obligations of democratic countries and the reality that, in practice, these rights do not apply equally to all. There remain major differences today between different social groups in terms of open access to and the unrestricted availability of information, the ability to utilize information according to one’s needs, having a voice represented by decision-makers, and respect for privacy and personal integrity.


Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair

Political parties have long been recognized as essential institutions of democratic governance. Both the organization of parties, and their relationships with citizens, the state, and each other have evolved since the rise of liberal democracy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Going into the twenty-first century, it appears that parties are losing popular support, putting both parties, and potentially democracy, in peril. This book traces the evolution of parties from the model of the mass party, through the catch-all party model, to argue that by the late twentieth century the principal governing parties (and their allied smaller parties—collectively the political “mainstream”) were effectively forming a cartel, in which the form of competition might remain, and indeed even appear to intensify, while its substance was increasingly hollowed out. The spoils of office were increasingly shared rather than restricted to the temporary winners; contentious policy questions were kept off the political agenda, and competition shifted from large questions of policy to minor questions of managerial competence. To support this cartel, the internal arrangements of parties changed to privilege the party in public office over the party on the ground. The unintended consequence has been to stimulate the rise of extra-cartel challengers to these cozy arrangements in the form of anti-party-system parties and populist oppositions on the left, but especially on the right.


Legal Studies ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The pursuit of security as a matter of domestic policy stands high on the political agenda of many Western nations and is a booming area of private investment. This repays close attention to what is meant when the concept of security is invoked as a justification of public policy or private practice. This paper examines the various meanings and differing constructions of security as a negative or positive presence, as a material or symbolic good, as a public good or private service, and as a response to external or internal threats. It observes how the language of security is differentiated also according to local legal cultures and calls for comparative analysis of the meaning and usage of the term in different jurisdictions. It suggests some possible differences in the structural arrangements for the pursuit of security that arise from differing relationships among the state, private sector and civil society. And it concludes by mapping out some apparent variants on the public-private divide that might profitably inform comparative analysis of the practices, as opposed to the rhetoric, of security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-46
Author(s):  
Igor Babin ◽  
Liudmyla Vakariuk

Abstract An e-petition (online petition or internet petition) is one of the most popular ways for civil society to interact with public authorities. It is no accident that the number of countries implementing this e-democracy tool is increasing. The institution of electronic petition has its own peculiarities in each country where it has been introduced: different forms, subjects, filing procedures and legal consequences. The common feature is that the e-petition is an independent form of direct democracy through which citizens participate in the management of public affairs. The article investigates the place of e-petitions in the system of direct democracy forms, analyzes practices of using the institution of electronic petitions, shows the establishment of the institution of e-petitions in Ukraine, reveals the concepts and features of online petitions, and highlights the problems of implementing the right to electronic petition in Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (s1) ◽  
pp. 23-45
Author(s):  
Viktor Glied

AbstractAfter the parliamentary elections in 2014, the weakened legitimacy of the Hungarian government could be re-established through activism in migration issues. Fidesz-KDNP that won elections twice already highlighted migration as the main theme of governance from 2014 to 2018, suppressing every other topic on the political agenda. The position that was established for purposes of the Hungarian domestic situation and politics initially faced intense rejections all over Europe, but then garnered some supporters as well, mostly in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, and to a smaller extent among the right-wing and populist parties of Western Europe. The anti-refugee and populist approach caused significant success in the communication field to the subscribing parties and governments, and also legitimised Hungarian government’s efforts that could mean it met the majority of the Hungarian society’s expectations. The most essential question is that how can political science reshape its terms and thoughts on populism to understand this phenomenon better, moreover what are the reasons of populism and why is the populist propaganda such successful in Hungary and Eastern Europe.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
O. V. Turii

The article deals with the basic legal acts defining the procedural aspects of the interaction of local self-government bodies with non-governmental organizations. Particular attention is paid to the coverage of international acts ratified by Ukraine and regulates the issues of such cooperation. The article highlights the dependence of the development of local self-government on the civil and political activity of the population. A detailed study of problems in the relationship of local self-government with citizens, associations of citizens, mass media and other civil society institutions has been formulated, proposals have been formulated to improve the solution of identified problems. As a result of the research, the author concluded that the main problem on the way of democratization of the national legislation of Ukraine is the inactive and ineffective participation of the public in the formation and implementation of state policy. The European Convention on Human Rights determines that the state must ensure the right of citizens to participate in the management of public affairs in order to establish a democratic and legal society, however, there are no mechanisms established by law for such participation. Investigation of the existing regulatory framework in Ukraine to ensure basic legal guarantees of citizens’ participation in the development and implementation of management decisions by local self-government bodies proves that not only these guarantees are not detailed, but also none of the existing normative acts establish clear procedures for ensuring the rights of citizens from the bodies of local self-government information regarding the issues discussed and regulated by these bodies, adopted regulatory acts, projects and mechanisms for the adoption of achymyh decisions for society. The article contains a number of concrete proposals for solving the problems of forming the basis of cooperation between local self-government bodies, the legal regulation of control and supervision activities in the field of local self-government, conflict resolution between local self-government bodies and civil society organizations, improvement of legal regulation of liability for non-compliance with legislation on civil cooperation society with local self-government bodies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatkhur Roji

<p>The emergence of the Saudi government's policy of allowing women to drive alone these days has become an interesting phenomenon to be examined, since before they forbid women to drive without a <em>mahram.</em> Since the appointment of the crown prince Salman bin Abdul Aziz, the Saudi government appears more dynamic and moderate. This new policy is in place to promote the development of the country with and to give women the right to participate freely in it. Observers see this as a political agenda of government, where with the political interest is expected Saudi Arabia can compete in the increasingly tight global economic competition. This article examines the policies of the Saudi Arabian government thoroughly from a social, economic, and political standpoint.</p><p>Munculnya kebijakan pemerintahan Saudi Arabia yang membolehkan perempuan untuk berkendara sendiri akhir-akhir ini menjadi fenomena yang menarik untuk diteliti, sebab sebelumnya mereka melarang perempuan berkendara tanpa mahram. Semenjak diangkatnya putera mahkota Salman bin Abdul Aziz, pemerintahan Saudi tampil lebih dinamis dan moderat. Kebijakan baru ini diberlakukan untuk meningkatkan perkembangan negara dengan dan untuk memberikan hak terhadap perempuan agar dapat berperan bebas di dalamnya. Para pengamat melihat ini sebagai agenda politik pemerintahan, dimana dengan kepentingan politik tersebut diharapkan Saudi Arabia dapat ikut bersaing dalam kompetisi ekonomi global yang semakin ketat. Artikel ini mengamati kebijakan pemerintah Saudi Arabia ini secara menyeluruh dari sudut pandang sosial, ekonomi, dan politik.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Anita Dhewy ◽  
Bella Sandiata

This article discusses the novelty of the women’s movement in encouraging women’s political representation and advocating for the elimination of domestic violence. Data is obtained through interviews with actors involved in the women’s movement, especially actors from civil society organizations. The results of the study show that the women’s movement in the Advocacy on Affirmative Policy in Election becomes a sign of the inclusion of women in the political agenda. While the women’s movement in the advocacy for Law on the Abolition of Domestic Violence dismantles private and public dichotomies that are detrimental to women in the context<br />of domestic violence. This study also shows that women’s movements need strong concepts, adaptive strategies and synergies with various elements to be able to push the women’s agenda and encourage change.


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