Digital Games and Orientalism

Author(s):  
Fatih Söğüt

The cultural and ideological tools that enable the West to maintain the imperial and colonial rule over the East have been varied. With the help of Western-based digital technologies and communication tools, it is possible to produce, publish, and distribute all kinds of information easily and quickly. The western and Western perspective is also reflected in the media content, and all kinds of popular media texts such as films, music, newspapers, magazines, toys are the bearers of the political social, cultural, and ideological structure of the West. Media texts produce discourses, especially about the ‘East' and position the East as one other. In this context, digital games should not be considered independent of the political, social, cultural, and economic structure in which they exist. The aim of this study is to assess research studies focusing on the orientalist perspective in digital games. While examining the relationship between orientalism and digital games within the framework of the literature, especially the Muslim and Arab representations in the plays were examined.

Author(s):  
Can Diker ◽  
Esma Koç

The myth of modern culture's superiority to other cultures is instilled as a norm to the masses through the media. The myth of the cultural superiority of the West not only formed with the economic possibilities of the West but was also supported by the non-Western world by self-orientalism, thus becoming sustainable. While themes such as modernity, development, and technological superiority are watched within the scope of Hollywood films, several platforms have been created for non-US countries to watch alternative films. Although films known as European and World Cinema have the chance to show themselves at film festivals rather than film theatres, non-Western directors face a cultural challenge in these festivals due to the sociocultural structure of Western-based film festivals. In this study, by examining how non-Western directors are directed towards self-orientalism indirectly through festivals and funds, the relationship between the creation of sustainable orientalism in cinema and the political economy of the film industry will be revealed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-330
Author(s):  
د.عثمان محمد دفع الله علي القُرجي

The relationship between Islam and the West finds that this relationship has witnessed not only short periods of conflict and congestion, but often the military confrontation. Western societies have recently witnessed a wave of racist practices, forms of hostility and discrimination against Islam and Muslims, Under the name (Islamophobia)), , This fear is played by the Western media machine a large role has become the orientation of all strategies and plans to distort the image of Islam and Muslims, which is familiar with the term (al'iielamufubia), we find this research monitors many of what the Western media in the right of Islam and Muslims and the Prophet of Islam, And Muslims in the Western media (al'iielamufubia), and this research is of great importance in order to respond to the falsehoods and accusations that are attached to Islam, and to clarify the distorted image drawn in the West, by the Western media, the researcher followed in this study descriptive analytical approach to analyze issues And the implications of this phenomenon and the results of the work, and the questions of this study: How the influence of the media in shaping the Western consciousness? Who is behind the phenomenon of the media and this negative picture? , And the study has reached the results and the most important: The typical descriptions that are presented to Muslims in general in the Western media are like the adoption of extremism and violence and bloodshed and polygamy and rejection of integration and enemies of Western civilization, and ah Recommendations recommended by the study:, The comprehensive discourse that reaches all people, which stems from the universality of Islam, combines all the meanings of religion and covers all its aspects, does not set aside at the expense of one side, and does not care about without concern, but calls for religion as a whole contemporary discourse linking the original era.


Author(s):  
Gökhan Bulut

This article is an attempt to reestablish the linkage of the political economy of communication with the field of social classes and class relations. Studies in the field of political economy of communication are mostly shaped within the scope of instrumentalist explanation: Social communication institutions such as communication and media are perceived as a very homogeneous structure and these institutions are directly considered as the apparatus of capital and capitalists. However, in this study, it is argued that in capitalist societies, communication, and media should be understood as a field and medium of class struggle loaded with contradictions. Another point is that the political economy of communication is mostly limited to media studies. However, in today's capitalist societies, the media is not the only structure and actor in which communication forms. In this study, communication practices in capitalist society are discussed in the context of class discussions and the relationship between class struggle, culture and communication is discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-84
Author(s):  
Neyla G Pardo

This chapter analyzes speeches delivered by former Colombian President, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, between August 2002 and August 2009, which can be found on the official website of the presidency: ( http://web.presidencia.gov.co/discursos/ ). We attempt to identify the webs of meaning surrounding the concepts of ‘Democratic Security’ and ‘Communitarian State’ with awareness of the relationship between discourse, ideology and power. The aim is to better understand the political power of the plans, programs and projects developed by Uribe’s administration, and how this was affected by widespread deployment of the media. These policies are conditioned by a set of colonialist principles that are embodied in symbolic-discursive strategies that result in representations, by means of which mechanisms of marginalization, discrimination and polarized hierarchy are legitimized from the different social spheres. During the 7-year period analyzed there were controversial debates over the commission of crimes against humanity by national security agents, as well as corruption scandals over topics like ‘para-politics’, ‘false positives’, selective arrests, extrajudicial killings and violations of the sovereignty of bordering countries. Within this political context, we attempt to identify the inherent tensions and social conflicts. It is argued that the analyzed discourses reproduce colonialist thoughts, in relation to neoliberal principles and the application of global policies. Using the principles of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we explore the strategies and resources used in Uribe’s speeches and how major themes are positioned to reproduce systems of beliefs, values and attitudes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilson Ugangu

Kenya’s media landscape has greatly transformed since the reforms of the 1990s, resulting in increased private ownership of media. The relationship between the media, politics and the citizen has been the most affected by these transformations. Using examples from Kenya’s 2017 elections, this article attempts to show how this relationship has changed and the opportunities and challenges for modern political communication. This article argues that although new trends in political communication have resulted in complex and dynamic political campaigns, they have also resulted in the atomization and alienation of the citizen in the democratic enterprise. This analysis is made against the backdrop of the political economy of the media theoretical perspective and, to an extent, emerging literature on media and globalization and attendant forces on the Kenyan society in general.


2005 ◽  
Vol 87 (860) ◽  
pp. 649-659
Author(s):  
Arnaud Mercier

AbstractTo consider the relationship between war and the media is to look at the way in which the media are involved in conflict, either as targets (war on the media) or as an auxiliary (war thanks to the media). On the basis of this distinction, four major developments may be cited that today combine to make war above all a media spectacle: photography, which opened the door to manipulation through stage-management; live technologies, which raise the question of journalists' critical distance vis-à-vis the material they broadcast and which can facilitate the process of using them; pressure on the media and media globalization, which have led to a change in the way the political and military authorities go about making propaganda; and, finally, the fact that censorship has increasingly come into disrepute, which has prompted the authorities to think of novel ways of controlling journalists.


1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. C. McCaskie

The fundamental reasoning underlying this paper is that, in seeking to advance our understanding of the material basis of political power in pre-colonial African polities, particular attention must be paid to the detailed reconstruction over time of the triumviral relationship between office, land and subjects. Acknowledgement is freely made of the fact that, for many (if not most) areas of Africa, this type of reconstruction is either exceptionally difficult or frankly impossible. This paper is concerned with the West African forest kingdom of Asante (Ghana) – a case evincing considerable institutional continuity and structural vigour, and one, moreover, sufficiently richly documented to permit the type and level of reconstruction posited. Specifically, and taking into account the substantial body of research already carried out on the general political history of Asante, this paper deals with patterns of authority over land and subjects as evidenced by the offices contained within the Manwere – one of the ten administrative/military fekuo of Kumase. The Manwere was created by Asantehene Kwaku Dua Panin (1834–67), and in seeking to account for the political imperatives underlying the foundation, the paper explores the context of the reign and the biography and career of the first Manwerehene, Kwasi Brantuo. Particular attention is paid throughout to the way in which the relationship between office, land and subjects within the Manwere was modified or otherwise altered by the nature of the political vicissitudes through which the Asante polity passed in the period between – broadly – the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. Underlying the paper, and supplying context to its conclusions, is a general consideration of the philosophy of the Asante ethic concerning such matters as wealth and accumulation, the nature of authority, and the conceptualization of citizenship.


Author(s):  
Ali M. Ansari

‘Iran and the West’ charts the relationship between Iran and the West beginning in the 16th and 17th centuries with increased contact with Western rulers eager to secure both economic opportunities and political advantage. In the 18th century, as Europe embarked on Enlightenment and scientific revolution, Iran entered a period of prolonged political and economic turmoil—the collapse of the Safavid state and then the rise of the Qajar dynasty. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 profoundly altered the political and social direction of the country and laid the foundations for much that was to follow. Twentieth-century politics and the profound effects of the 1979 Islamic Revolution are also described.


Author(s):  
Francesc-Andreu MARTÍNEZ GALLEGO

LABURPENA: Lan hau komunikabideen eta ustelkeria politikoaren arteko harremanei buruzkoa da. Lanaren estrategia komunikabideek gobernatzaileen eta gobernatuen arteko harremanak hedatzeko bitarteko aktiboak bezala duten jarrera agertzea da, hau da, komunikabideek ustelkeriari buruz emandako informazioa izan ez dadin prentsaren jatorrietatik datorren ataza soila, hots, askatasun publikoen eta gobernu onaren watchdog or atari-txakur lana. Gauzak horrela, komunikabideak aktore politikoak dira, interes partikularrak dituzte eta egitateekiko elkarrekintza dute, eta egitate horiei garrantzia ematen diete (edo ez), interesen arabera. Ustelkeria politikoko eskandaluak kazetaritzako argitan, komunikabideen enpresen interesen arabera eta sistema politikoaren eta komunikabide sistemaren arteko harremanak kontuan izanda aztertu behar dira. Horrela soilik ahal izango diogu lana honen funtsari ekin, alegia: zer egin dezakete komunikabideek demokraziaren kalitatea handitzeko, hau da, ustelkeria politikoa bertatik erauzi edo, gutxienez, mugatzeko? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es un estudio crítico sobre la relación existente entre medios de comunicación y corrupción política. La estrategia del mismo consiste en desvelar la posición de los medios de comunicación como mediatizadores activos de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, de manera que la información sobre corrupción producida por los medios no se vea como el mero cumplimiento de una tarea asignada desde sus orígenes ilustrados a la prensa, a saber, su labor de watchdog o perro guardián de las libertades públicas y del buen gobierno. Vistas así las cosas, los medios se configuran como actores políticos con intereses particulares que interaccionan con los hechos y a los que confieren (o no) la entidad de noticiables en grados diversos. Los escándalos de corrupción política deben estudiarse a la luz de las narrativas periodísticas, a la luz de los condicionamientos empresariales de los medios y a la luz de la configuración de las relaciones entre el sistema político y el sistema mediático. Sólo así podremos encarar la cuestión de fondo que se plantea al final de este trabajo y que pregunta qué pueden hacer los medios de comunicación para acrecentar la calidad de la democracia extirpando o al menos limitando en ella la corrupción política. ABSTRACT: This work is a critical analysis about the relationship between mass media and political corruption. Its strategy is to unveil the mass media position as an activ mediator in the relationship between governers and governeds so that information about corruption by the media cannot be seen as the simple fullfilment of an assigned task to the press since its Enlightment origins, i.e. their job of watchdog or guard dog for public liberties and good governance. As things stand, mass media are configured as political actors with particular interests that interact with facts to which the give (or not) a gradual entity of political newsworthiness. The scandals of political corruption should be studied in the light of journalistic narratives, corporate constraints of the mass media and the setting of relationships among the political and the media system. Only this way we will be able to face the underlying issue that arises at the end of this work and that questions what mass media can do in order to improve the quality of democracy by removing or at least constraining within the political corruption.


2020 ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Jasmine Mitchell

The epilogue reflects on how popular media images of the U.S. mulatta and Brazilian mulata evoke anxieties about blackness in a hemispheric context. Connecting the analysis of the media texts of the 2000s with contemporary political and cultural moments, the epilogue shows how the racial gendered logics of the mixed-race female figure aligns with renewed wave of nationalism, white supremacy, and misogyny in a trans-American context. The epilogue calls for greater black solidarities across the Americas.


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