Instrument Validation of Organizational Dimensions That Learn in a Context of Chaos

Author(s):  
Martha Nelia Martínez Zamora ◽  
Christian Paulina Mendoza Torres

The ability to learn and thus adapt to change is without doubt one of the most effective tools to emerge victorious in the face of chaos. But how do you know if an organization has this capability? The objective of this study is to validate the instrument of the dimensions of the organization that learns DLOQ (Dimensions of the Learning Organization Questionnaire). The DLOQ has 21 items or reagents distributed in seven different but related dimensions. The instrument seeks to be an initial intervention tool for contexts of chaos. The instrument was applied with a total of 21 items, in 14 organizations in the southern center of the state of Guanajuato, in Mexico, achieving the application of 536 valid cases. Based on the factor analysis carried out in the SPSS program, two important dimensions are observed, one of which is more important and contributes to 34,113% of the total average, a second factor of 28,764% of the total average. Factor one is called the organization's ability to learn, the second dialogue, and team learning.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 149-155
Author(s):  
Alexey B. Panchenko

Yu. F. Samarin’s works are traditionally viewed through the prism of his affiliation with Slavophilism. His view of the state is opposed to the idea of the complex empire based on unequal interaction of the central power with the elite of national districts. At the same time it was important for Samarin to see the nation not as an ethnocultural community, but as classless community of equal citizens, who were in identical position in the face of the emperor. Samarin’s attitude to religion and nationality had pragmatic character and were understood as means for the creation of the uniform communicative space inside the state. This position for the most part conformed with the framework of the national state basic model, however there still existed one fundamental difference. Samarin considered not an individual, but the rural community that owned the land, to be the basic unit of the national state. As the result the model of national state was viewed as the synthesis of modernistic (classlessness, pragmatism, equality) and archaic (communality) features.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lufuluvhi Maria Mudimeli

This article is a reflection on the role and contribution of the church in a democratic South Africa. The involvement of the church in the struggle against apartheid is revisited briefly. The church has played a pivotal and prominent role in bringing about democracy by being a prophetic voice that could not be silenced even in the face of death. It is in this time of democracy when real transformation is needed to take its course in a realistic way, where the presence of the church has probably been latent and where it has assumed an observer status. A look is taken at the dilemmas facing the church. The church should not be bound and taken captive by any form of loyalty to any political organisation at the expense of the poor and the voiceless. A need for cooperation and partnership between the church and the state is crucial at this time. This paper strives to address the role of the church as a prophetic voice in a democratic South Africa. Radical economic transformation, inequality, corruption, and moral decadence—all these challenges hold the potential to thwart our young democracy and its ideals. Black liberation theology concepts are employed to explore how the church can become prophetically relevant in democracy. Suggestions are made about how the church and the state can best form partnerships. In avoiding taking only a critical stance, the church could fulfil its mandate “in season and out of season” and continue to be a prophetic voice on behalf of ordinary South Africans.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 5 discusses the premises of the emergence of the cartel party with the parties’ resilience to any significant modification in the face of the cultural, societal, and political changes of the 1970s–1980s. Parties kept and even increased their hold on institutions and society. They adopted an entropic strategy to counteract challenges coming from a changing external environment. A new gulf with public opinion opened up, since parties demonstrated greater ease with state-centred activities for interest-management through collusive practices in the para-governmental sector, rather than with new social and political options. The emergence of two sets of alternatives, the greens and the populist extreme right, did not produce, in the short run, any impact on intra-party life. The chapter argues that the roots of cartelization reside mainly in the necessitated interpenetration with the state, rather than on inter-party collusion. This move has caught parties in a legitimacy trap.


Author(s):  
Will Smiley

This chapter charts the “Law of Release,” a new system of rules that replaced the Law of Ransom. These rules were based on treaties signed from 1739 onward, but also on a variety of lesser agreements and unwritten understandings and the Islamic legal tradition. They were renewed frequently, and structured captivity as late as the 1850s. This chapter will explore the basic structures of the Law of Release—how captives were found, released, and sent home, and how slaveowners were convinced, coerced, or compensated to cooperate. I argue that while release was initially limited to Istanbul, and to the most visible captives, it extended both into elite households, and outward along the Ottoman corridors of power. This process tested the limits of the Ottoman state, forcing the state to cooperate with Russian officials for the benefit of both. They did so in the face of resistance from captors.


Author(s):  
Claudius Härpfer

In recent times we find many plebiscitary acts that seek to democratically legitimize political processes in any direction. They have in common that they interrupt the normal routine of representative democracies to a certain degree and create an extra-daily state of affairs, which entails not only direct but also indirect consequences. The text attempts to systematize some of these mechanisms from a Weberian perspective using Brexit as an example. After a brief overview of Weber’s short-term politically inspired statements on plebiscitary democracy, the text systematizes Weber’s understanding of the state as a bureaucratic apparatus that requires any kind of leader to be controlled. Subsequently, the text discusses the relationship between domination, legality, and rationality in order to finally point out the danger of erosion of truth and legality through the emergence of competing consensus communities in the face of competing conceptions of order.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Ghani Imad

The problematic addressed in this article is the challenge initiated by the Arab revolutions to reform the Arab political system in such a way as to facilitate the incorporation of ‘democracy’ at the core of its structure. Given the profound repercussions, this issue has become the most serious matter facing the forces of change in the Arab world today; meanwhile, it forms the most prominent challenge and the most difficult test confronting Islamists. The Islamist phenomenon is not an alien implant that descended upon us from another planet beyond the social context or manifestations of history. Thus it cannot but be an expression of political, cultural, and social needs and crises. Over the years this phenomenon has presented, through its discourse, an ideological logic that falls within the context of ‘advocacy’; however, today Islamists find themselves in office, and in a new context that requires them to produce a new type of discourse that pertains to the context of a ‘state’. Political participation ‘tames’ ideology and pushes political actors to rationalize their discourse in the face of daily political realities and the necessity of achievement. The logic of advocacy differs from that of the state: in the case of advocacy, ideology represents an enriching asset, whereas in the case of the state, it constitutes a heavy burden. This is one reason why so much discourse exists within religious jurisprudence related to interest or necessity or balancing outcomes. This article forms an epilogue to the series of articles on religion and the state published in previous issues of this journal. It adopts the methodologies of ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘case studies’ in an attempt to examine the arguments presented by Islamists under pressure from the opposition. It analyses the experiences, and the constraints, that inhibit the production of a ‘model’, and monitors the development of the discourse, its structure, and transformations between advocacy, revolution and the state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 016327872110157
Author(s):  
Reza Hosseinabadi ◽  
Mahshid Foroughan ◽  
Gholamreza Ghaedamini Harouni ◽  
Mohammad-Sajjad Lotfi ◽  
Yadollah Pournia

Loneliness is usually a chronic condition which may lead to physical and psychological undesirable consequences, and requires measurement and intervention. This study was conducted with the aim of preparing a Persian version of the 11-item de Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale and evaluating its psychometric properties among the Iranian older adults. After applying the translation-back translation method, the prepared script was subjected to the face and content validity evaluations and a Persian version of the scale was prepared. Factor analysis, concurrent validity, internal consistency, and test-retest methods were used to validate the scale. The Persian version of the 11-item de Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale showed acceptable content validity. The negative and significant correlations between the loneliness scores and the Philadelphia Geriatric Center Morale Scale indicated that the questionnaire had acceptable concurrent validity. The results of confirmatory factor analysis confirmed two factors for the scale. Also, the results of the intra-class correlation coefficient and Cronbach’s alpha coefficient demonstrated that the scale had acceptable reliability. The Persian version of the 11-item de Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale is an appropriate tool for measuring loneliness in the Iranian older adults.


2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elyse Amend ◽  
David M. Secko

The qualitative literature related to health and science journalism often states that little is known about the perspectives of journalists. This is, in part, because of individual studies being like scattered pieces of a jigsaw puzzle. In this article, the authors report the results of a qualitative metasynthesis aimed at reassembling the qualitative literature involving health and science journalists. Comprehensive literature searches gave a data set of 21 studies whose synthesis produced 14 metathemes and four taxonomic groupings. This synthesis is used to show the state of qualitative knowledge and the potential for future research.


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