scholarly journals Youth participation in the economy

2001 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-203
Author(s):  
C. W. Malan ◽  
M. C. Breitenbach

Youth in South Africa are persons of the ages 14 to 35 and constitute a large part of the potential labour supply and economically active population. The youth are also one of the central focus areas of government and receive priority in national development policies. Very little is known about the role of youth in the economy. The purpose of this article is therefore to explore the position of youth in the South African economy. The survey below will indicate that one of the major problems faced by youth in Africa is the inability to establish a sustainable livelihood. Youth constitute 40 to 65 per cent of the unemployed in African countries, and this figure is rising. This requires alternative policies, in addition to the economic growth policies within the Growth, Employment and Redistribution framework. It has become essential that the scope be broadened for a larger range of solutions.

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 653-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nhlanhla Cyril Mbatha ◽  
Joan Roodt

We began with the premise that South African recent migrants from rural to urban areas experience relatively lower rates of participation in formal labour markets compared to local residents in urban communities, and that these migrants are overrepresented in the informal labour market and in the unemployment sector. This means that rural to urban migrants are less likely than locals to be found in formal employment and more likely to be found in informal employment and among the unemployed. Using perspectives from Development Economics we explore the South African National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS) panel datasets of 2008 and 2010, which only provide a perspective on what has happened between 2008 and 2010. We find that while migrants in general experience positive outcomes in informal labour markets, they also experience positive outcomes in formal markets, which is contrary to expectations. We also find that there are strong links between other indicators of performance in the labour market. Earned incomes are closely associated with migration decisions and educational qualifications (e.g. a matric certificate) for respondents between the ages of 30 and 60 years. The youth (15 to 30 years old) and senior respondents (over the age of 60) are the most disadvantaged in the labour market. The disadvantage is further reflected in lower earned incomes. This is the case even though the youth are most likely to migrate. We conclude that migration is motivated by both push (to seek employment) and pull (existing networks or marriage at destination) factors. For public policy, the emerging patterns – indicative and established – are important for informing strategies aimed at creating employment and developing skills for the unemployed, migrants and especially the youth. Similar policy strategies are embodied in the National Development Plan (NDP), the National Skills Development Strategy (NSDS), etc.


1980 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Todd ◽  
Christopher Shaw

Late in 1979 the Zambian Government unveiled its Third National Development Plan which will guide policies until the year 1984, and this implies that problems of unemployment, particularly in urban areas, will be partly overcome by an expansion of self-employment possibilities.Such was the enthusiasm for the new initiative that the absence of reliable information surrounding it was largely ignored. This article attempts to provide relevant data concerning a number of issues which will be vital in implementing any measures to encourage self-employment in the so-called ‘informal sector’ of the Zambian economy. In particular we shall endeavour to quantify the likely flows into the labour force, particularly from the educational system, the possible growth of formal wage employment in urban areas, and the current size and composition of the informal sector. Finally, conclusions are drawn concerning the possible rôle of this sector in absorbing the unemployed in the plan period.


2010 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasan Abu-Aisha ◽  
Sarra Elamin

BackgroundAfrica is the world's second-largest and second most populous continent. It is also the poorest and most underdeveloped continent. Struggling to provide the essential health interventions for its occupants, the majority of African countries cannot regard renal replacement therapy a health priority.ReviewIn 2007, Africa's dialysis population constituted only 4.5% of the world's dialysis population, with a prevalence of 74 per million population (pmp), compared to a global average of 250 pmp. In almost half the African countries, no dialysis patients are reported. The prevalence of peritoneal dialysis (PD) was 2.2 pmp, compared to a global prevalence of 27 pmp, with the bulk of African PD patients (85%) residing in South Africa. In North African countries, which serve 93% of the African dialysis population, the contribution of PD to dialysis is only 0% – 3%. Cost is a major factor affecting the provision of dialysis treatment and many countries are forced to ration dialysis therapy. Rural setting, difficult transportation, low electrification rates, limited access to improved sanitation and improved water sources, unsuitable living circumstances, and the limited number of nephrologists are obstacles to the provision of PD in many countries.ConclusionThe potential for successful regular PD programs in tropical countries has now been well established. Cost is a major prohibitive factor but the role of domestic manufacture in facilitating widespread use of PD is evidenced by the South African example. Education and training are direly needed and these are areas where international societies can be of great help.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-46
Author(s):  
Jackie Dugard ◽  
Angela María Sánchez

During 2017, South African decoloniality theorist Tshepo Madlingozi argued, in relation to the ongoing socio-political and economic exclusion of the black majority in South Africa, that the post-1994 rights-based constitutional order represents more continuity than rupture, consolidating a triumph of social justice over liberation and a privileging of the democratisation paradigm over the decolonisation one. In Madlingozi’s critique of the “neo-apartheid” social justice order, race continues to be the most important dividing line, and human rights constitute a western “perpetuation of the coloniality of being”. This argument resonates with broader contemporary critiques of the weak, compromising and imperial nature of human rights. Against this backdrop, we examine the potential, as well as the limits, of using human rights as a tool for social change. Engaging an intersectional analysis informed by the seminal work of Kimberlé Crenshaw and Nancy Fraser, we find that the focus on decoloniality-as-race obscures other critical fault lines to the detriment of progressive change, and that a radical reading of human rights is capable of correcting this flaw. We argue that the incorporation of gender and class lenses provides a powerful tool to change both the narrative about the drivers of inequality among capitalist democracies and the role of socio-economic rights adjudication within them. Our article is also an invitation to rethink the domestic constitutional histories of the global south by acknowledging rights-based redistributive transformations within the context of market and development policies, and to push for the uptake of rights to empower social struggle and tackle structural disadvantage.


1963 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan I. Potekhin

Agriculture is the main sphere of material production in all African countries. It is generally recognised that all African countries, excepting the South African Republic, belong to the group of under-developed agrarian countries. It is impossible to define the exact share of agriculture in the total annual output because of the predominance of the subsistence economy, and the almost total absence of statistics on this phase of labour. As a rule, the available statistics underestimate the share of agricultural output. Some idea about the role of agriculture in African economies can be gained from the data on the distribution of rural and urban population. Though in the past 20 years there has been considerable movement from villages to towns, nevertheless the rural population in various countries still constitutes from 67 per cent in Egypt (1957) to 96 per cent in Togo (1956). Only in the South African Republic is the urban population nearly half (46·6 per cent in 1951) of the whole population.1


2009 ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Guia Migani

- This article analyses the EEC development policy between 1957, year of the signature of the Rome's Treaties, and 1975, signature of the Lomé Convention. In the first part, we examine the origins of the development policy, also called "Association policy" because the African colonies were associated to the EEC. In the second part, we analyse the two Yaoundé Conventions of Association (1963 and 1969) signed by the European and the African states. During this period the Six concentrated their discussions on the reform of the Convention after the independence of the African countries and the creation of UNCTAD. In the last part, the article focuses on the Seventies and on the Lomé Convention which renewed the instruments of the European Development policy and the relationship between the Nine and the Developing states. The negotiations of the three Conventions (Yaoundé I, Yaoundé II and Lomé) represent good opportunities to study the motivations and the role of the most important actors. Also, the evolution of the European development policy is analysed in relation with the changes of the international context.Parole chiave: Politica di associazione, Cooperazione allo sviluppo, Convenzione di Yaoundé, Convenzione di Lomé, Paesi ACP, Relazioni esterne della CEE EEC Association Policies, EEC Development Policies, Yaoundé Convention, Lomé Convention, ACP Countries, EEC External Relations


Author(s):  
Hopestone Kayiska Chavula ◽  
Abebe Chekol

This chapter reviews the information and communication technology (ICT) policy development process in Africa and assesses to what extent African countries have taken on board ICT issues in their overall national development policies and plans. It is argued that African countries lag behind in technological issues hence negatively affecting the overall development of the continent due to their inability to recognize the critical role played by ICTs in overall national development issues. The chapter emphasizes the significance of mainstreaming ICT policies and strategies in the overall development process, so that African countries remain competitive on the global market. This is done by taking into consideration the development and implementation of the National Information and Communication Infrastructure (NICI) policy and plans in different African countries initiated by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) after recognizing the little emphasis placed on the significance of ICTs in national development policies by African countries. The chapter assesses also to what extent these NICI policies and plans have impacted on ICT and economic development, and tries to propose the way forward for the continent.


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eddy Mazembo Mavungu

Abstract:Territorial reforms in South Africa, undertaken in order to address the legacy of apartheid, have proven to be a contested terrain. This article considers three case studies and argues that in order to understand these territorial disputes, it is important to pay attention to the material conditions of the affected communities, disparities between provinces in terms of resources and governance efficiency, and perceptions that the preferred province is better positioned to serve the interests of the community. The article highlights the role of party political interests and also reflects on the relevance of the South African experience to other African countries.


Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 250
Author(s):  
Tafadzwa Dzinamarira ◽  
Brian Nachipo ◽  
Bright Phiri ◽  
Godfrey Musuka

South Africa became one of the first African countries to receive the COVID-19 vaccine. As the rest of Africa prepares to receive COVID-19 vaccines, most countries in Africa have set up national-level coordination committees for developing national vaccination deployment plans. While the main focus of these committees has been on setting up strategies that facilitate the swift distribution of COVID-19 vaccines once they are available, the role of effective public health awareness should not be ignored. Countries must devise strategies on how best to enhance public understanding and curb misinformation about the vaccines. With this viewpoint, we unpack the threat of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and offer recommendations for COVID-19 vaccine communication strategies in the South African and Zimbabwean contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 345
Author(s):  
Andri Ardianto

The Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPD RI) is a state institution that was born from the 1945 NRI Amendment process. The formation of the DPD RI was meant not only to reform the parliamentary structure into two chambers, the formation of the DPD RI was a constitutional effort intended to better accommodate regional votes by giving channels, as well as roles for the regions. In that perspective, the DPD RI must play a more important role in bridging local regional aspirations with national development policies. Thus, regional interests and aspirations can be integrated and aligned with national policies. If the DPR brings political aspirations of the people, then the DPD should carry regional aspirations that are not only political in nature but have social and cultural values in accordance with the variety of regions it represents. In essence, the role of the DPD is more emphasized on the importance of accommodating and aggregating the aspirations and interests of the regions to balance the hegemony of the DPR which carries the aspirations of the people which are only political. This research will focus on the extent to which the DPD RI has carried out its role as mandated and the ideals of its formation as regional representatives. Whether the presence of the DPD has accommodated and aggregated regional interests and has also been able to avoid legislative power being only concentrated in one institution (check and balance).


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