Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–1898)

Author(s):  
Alexandra Gerena Cubbon

William Gladstone was a British politician who served as prime minister four times during his career, his first premiership lasting from 1868 until 1874. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford, from which he graduated in 1831. Gladstone began his political career in Parliament in 1832 as a High Tory, but he became a member of the Liberal Party in 1859 after being appointed chancellor of the exchequer under Lord Palmerston. His chancellorship resulted in such legislation as the Exchequer and Audit Act of 1866. During the 1860s and 1870s Gladstone’s domestic policies advocated ‘civic individuality’, while his foreign policy was anti-imperialist and favourable to Irish Home Rule. His views on empire stood in stark contrast to those of his political rival, Conservative Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, who supported imperial expansion in the Middle East and Central Asia. Gladstone famously denounced the Ottoman Empire’s repression of the Bulgarian April uprising in the 1876 pamphlet Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East.

Author(s):  
İlkin MİKAYILOV

This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy shifted towards new regions, which are historically, have less confrontation with Turkey and has positive trends against Turkey such as Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, while the relations with the Turkic Council were deepened, the policy towards this region became clear with the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. During the Second Nagorno- Karabakh War Turkey gave strong support to Azerbaıjan both in term of rhetoric and military support as well based on Turkish drones and other Turkish made military equipment which shows the assertiveness of Turkey. The development of the Turkic Council’s member countries both politically and economically made organization an important regional actor. Thus, Turkic Council become an important tool for Turkish foreign policy in terms of assertiveness. Turkey’s assertive foreign policy will increase which is the in compliance with the Turkey’s national security. Also for region countries, it is important that Turkey put weight on region, which is crucial for Turkish foreign policy. Keywords: Assertiveness, Caucasus, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkic Council.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baris Kesgin

When leaders depart from their long-held, publicly known policy positions, one possible explanation is changes in their personality. This paper inquires about one example: Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. Middle East observers long believed that Sharon was one of the last Israelis to cede any territory to Palestinians; alas, that became the decision to mark Sharon’s reign as prime minister. The “bulldozer” decided to evacuate the homes he had built. Assuming that Gaza disengagement implied a significant reassessment of Sharon’s previously held policy preferences, this paper asks if Sharon changed. Using leadership trait analysis, the paper develops two profiles of Sharon, before and during his premiership. Sharon is then profiled in three phases during his tenure: first term, second term until the announcement of disengagement, and until the end of his tenure. In making his decision, Sharon temporarily became a complex thinker, yet did not change in his distrust or develop empathy to the Palestinians. The findings suggest that leaders can experience a fundamental but temporary change to implement radically different decisions, and confirm that leaders’ traits are stable over time.


2011 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 1403-1422
Author(s):  
CAROLYN J. KITCHING

AbstractThe career and reputation of James Ramsay MacDonald are generally influenced by his actions in 1931, and yet, as Donald Cameron Watt has stated, it is ‘not really possible to blackguard him for 1931 without having to cast aspersions on his extraordinary achievements earlier on’. This article examines some of these ‘extraordinary’ achievements by considering the role of MacDonald himself in the formation and leading of the 1924 minority Labour Government. It considers the difficulty he experienced in creating a Cabinet from colleagues whom he generally considered to be unsuitable and incapable, and which led him to become both Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary. He faced criticism from many in his party for his failure to implement a measure of socialist reforms, yet given the nature of the domestic problems with which his government was faced, and the tenuous nature of this government, held in place, as it was, by a fractured Liberal Party, this ‘failure’ is scarcely surprising. However, this article maintains that in foreign policy, and in his powerful joint role, MacDonald's reputation in 1924 really can be described as outstanding.


Subject Prospects for India in 2016. Significance Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government has accelerated its agenda of piecemeal and sequential reform following his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s defeat in the Bihar elections last month. As difficult state elections approach in the first half of 2016, the government is banking on these reforms and headline growth to secure voter and investor support. In foreign policy, the government is likely to focus on regions of strategic importance, especially Russia and the Middle East.


Significance The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)’s five-year term ended on May 31. PML-N President Shehbaz Sharif faces a tough fight to become prime minister, with the main challenge set to come from Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and further opposition provided by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Impacts With Khan as prime minister, the military would likely have free rein to pursue an anti-India foreign policy. Khan would step up his criticisms of the war in Afghanistan and likely have a difficult relationship with US President Donald Trump. Pakistan under any government will pursue balanced diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking good ties with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.


After the 1990, it is very important that in the immediate vicinity of the geopolitical changes that have occurred in Turkey. The first changes is Iran and Iraq on the edge. Especially the Turkey-Iran and Iraq, all kinds of geopolitical developments occurring in the triple border, to a critical value. Because the triple border Iran and Iraq by Turkey as a safety check. For this reason, has become the center of all kinds of illegal developments. Iran, conducts a policy of asymmetric after 1990, in the Caucasus, and the Middle East and Central Asia geography. This policy from time to time an anti-U.S. hostility toward the West and exacerbate. The attitude of the West and the United States due to the foreign policy of Turkey's neighbor Iran rather problematic periods. Because the entire Middle East and Central Asia, Turkey's policies on Iran, which is a pretty effective. For this reason, Iran, Turkey is a country that needs to be analyzed by far the best.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Gresh

Since the eastward expansion of NATO dashed Moscow's early hopes of being integrated into the West, Russia has pursued an independent foreign policy focused mainly on Central Asia and the Middle East, including "rogue" states shunned by Washington. Among Russia's advantages are tens of thousands of Arabic-speaking former Soviet experts and a growing regional anti-Americanism. At the same time, Russian Muslims are becoming more assertive. Russia's dependence on the West for economic aid, however, sharply limits its margin of maneuver.


Significance As intended, the changes will temporarily ease the Conservative Party's internal atmosphere, most importantly before the October annual party conference. However, they are unlikely to alter the fundamentals of the referendum or its outcome. The more significant internal party battle will be over the terms of Prime Minister David Cameron's EU membership renegotiation. Impacts The government could still face a September 7 House of Commons defeat over 'purdah', despite its reversal on the issue. This would boost eurosceptic elements in the Labour Party before the September 12 leadership election result. Cameron's wish to discourage migration from the Middle East could intensify his foreign policy focus on the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35
Author(s):  
Tanvi Pate

Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.


Author(s):  
Richard Shannon

Robert Norman William Blake (1916–2003), a Fellow of the British Academy, had published admired revisionist studies of the soldier Lord Haig (1952) and the politician Andrew Bonar Law (1955), but unquestionably it was the brilliant success of his biography of Benjamin Disraeli in 1966 that stimulated support for his election to the Academy. He was born in the Manor House, Brundall, on the Yare, Norfolk, a little outside Norwich, on December 23, 1916 to William Joseph Blake and Norah Lindley. In 1935, Blake went to Magdalen College, Oxford, with a view to preparing for a legal career. He read ‘Modern Greats’, philosophy, politics, and economics. Blake was eloquent on the depressing peculiarities of World War II. He related in a manuscript fragment, ‘Memories of Christ Church’, that his two closest friends in the Senior Common Room were Hugh Trevor-Roper and Charles Stuart. In his biography of Disraeli, Blake made the British prime minister much less convincing as a heroic legend, but made him much more interesting as a man.


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