Feminist political philosophy

Author(s):  
Susan Mendus

In all its forms, feminism asserts that social and political structures in society discriminate against women. Feminist political philosophy aims to show how traditional political philosophy is implicated in that discrimination and how the resources of political philosophy may nevertheless be employed in the service of women. Sometimes, feminist political philosophy extends the arguments of traditional political philosophy to indicate that women are unjustly treated and to propose ways in which that injustice might be removed. This is clearest in liberal feminism, where it is argued that since women are essentially the same as men in being rational creatures, they are entitled to the same legal and political rights as men: arguments which defend the rights of man also support the rights of women. Similarly, Marxist and socialist feminism extend the insights of Marxism and socialism in an attempt to expose and remove the oppression of women: Marxist emphasis on the exploitation of labour under capital is supplemented by Marxist feminist emphasis on the exploitation of women under patriarchy. However, there are also forms of feminist political philosophy which are more critical of traditional political philosophy and which question the very distinctions upon which it is premised. Thus, radical feminist philosophers question the scope of the term ‘political’ as it is usually used by political philosophers, and argue that by excluding domestic concerns, traditional political philosophy excludes many of the things which are most important to women. The aim here is not to extend the insights of political philosophy, but rather to highlight the ways in which political philosophy itself shows a distinct gender bias. Yet more radically, the postmodernists have been critical of philosophy’s emphasis on truth and objectivity, and some feminists have extended their arguments to suggest that the very language of philosophy, and by extension of political philosophy, is ‘man-made’. Feminist political philosophy is therefore not one thing but many, and feminist political philosophers are deeply divided as to whether traditional political philosophy may be modified so as to include women’s interests, or whether it is itself one of the ways in which women’s politically disadvantaged position is legitimized and perpetuated.

Author(s):  
Andre Santos Campos

Historical analyses of the relations between political theory and time often hinge on two claims. The first is that political theorists have until recently put less emphasis on the future than the past when debating political legitimacy and obligation. The second is that the history of political theory draws a fundamental distinction between theories that invoke time to legitimate political structures and theories that reject temporal considerations in favor of timeless principles. This chapter disputes these two claims by maintaining that competing languages of legitimacy harbor different and interrelated conceptions of temporality. A survey of time conceptions in the history of political philosophy shows that normative political theory is inherently multitemporal, involving double regard for the past and the future. And, since even tenseless principles of legitimacy often depend on temporally related forms of formulation and application, considerations about time seem inescapable in normative political theory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy R Baehr

This paper presents an account of liberal feminism as a capacious family of doctrines. The account is capacious in the sense that it sweeps in a wide variety of doctrines, including some thought to be challenges to liberal feminism, and allows us to refer to doctrines with more than one label—so we can identify, for example, care-ethical liberal feminism, socially conservative liberal feminism, and liberal socialist feminism. The capacious account also provides a conceptual framework to allow us to think with greater clarity about the scope of liberal feminist claims to justice, and about how that justice is to be secured and sustained. Since there is such variety within the liberal feminist family of doctrines, it makes little sense to criticize or defend liberal feminism simpliciter. The capacious account both requires and makes it possible for us to eschew such talk and focus instead on the particular doctrines we have in mind.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (SE) ◽  
pp. 309-326
Author(s):  
Ehsan Madmalil ◽  
Fereydoun Akbarzadeh

The concept of citizenship is one of the old key concepts in political philosophy that has been reproduced in various forms since the formation of classical political philosophy up to modern times within the theory set forth in this type of theoretical philosophy. So, pre-modern theory, modern theory and postmodern theory can be noted. The concept of citizenship is an idea which governs the right of modern human and was emerged in the Western Europe and is a product of modern politics. Accepting Legal and political rights and duties is raised by citizenship status, its main foundation and the basic idea of the concept. In the contemporary world, citizenship has been interested more than other societies. The question that comes to mind here is that how is the situation of civil rights in the era of theoretical terms in globalization? In response to the question hypothesis is that with globalization, citizenship in its modern form that was enclosed in the geography of the national government has lost its sense and civil rights embodied in the discourses that are outside the reach of state law. This study aimed to investigate the impact of globalization on the civil right and conceptual evolution theoretically, as contemporary theorists have theorized it. Research findings indicate the "global citizenship" as a concept is emerging in the era of globalization as the result of rethinking of citizenship in the modern age. The methodology of study is analysis - descriptive, this means that the concept of civil right is described and then the theoretical changes in the era of globalization will be analyzed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
Amaka Theresa Oriaku Emordi ◽  
◽  
Papia Sengupta ◽  
Hope A. Ikednma ◽  
◽  
...  

Across the world, women are on the fringes in all facets of life endeavours- economy, education, governance, and politics compared to their male counterparts. Irrespective of the geographical location, women are culturally and socially disadvantaged. They are systematically deprived of individual choices, economic opportunities, political rights, political power as well as intellectual recognition. Women are on the lower incomes ladder compare to their male counterparts. Feminists have argued that women’s fivefold role – mother, wife, home-manager, informal educator, and family nurse is responsible for women’s impediments in life. As a beast of burdens, women have obstructed them from pursuing their aspirations at the same speed as their male counterparts. Consequently, women are marginal in the scheme of mainstream issues of life as politics and economy. Using secondary data and applying the radical feminist theory, women marginalization in Nigeria and India was investigated. The paper revealed some forms of women marginalization in these countries and their similarities to show that women marginalization is a universal phenomenon, cutting across culture, race, and continent. While the concept of marginalization may vary according to the historical and socio-economical context of societies like Nigeria and India, its impact on the marginalized remains the same across cultures, peoples, and continents. To address this gender imbalance and disparity in opportunities between men and women, there is a need for a rotund education for a large majority of women in these continents to accelerate the empowerment of women in every aspect of life.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Mohsen Kadivar

This chapter investigates critically the Treatise on Rights (Resalat al-Huquq) of the fourth Shi‘a Imam ‘Ali b. al-Husain Sajad (48–94 h/658–713 ad), which is mostly ethical teachings and in fact, was a letter he wrote to one of his companions. The chapter includes the following: first, a brief consideration of the sources of the treatise, assessing the documents of the treatise, determining the most accurate text of the treatise among differing versions, and a general review of the introduction and categorization of the fifty-one rights listed in the treatise. Following this, the chapter addresses the meaning of “rights” in the Treatise of Rights. To do so, the chapter will distinguish various terminologies of right in the Qur’an, the hadith as well as in philosophy, theology, ethics and fiqh, and compare Imam Sajjad’s notion of “right” with the concept as it appears in the philosophy of law, political philosophy and law. Finally, and as an example, the chapter analyses the section on political rights (al-huquq al-asasi), that is, the rights of the sultan and the people (the ruler and the ruled) in relation to one another.


2021 ◽  
pp. 559-581
Author(s):  
Purwarno Purwarno ◽  
Sylvia Mardhatillah ◽  
Andang Suhendi

This study aimed to reveal the liberal feminism in Ika Natassa’s novel, Critical Eleven. This study applied liberal feminism as proposed by Lewis (2018) who claims that liberal feminism focuses on the issues of woman’s equality in the workplace, education and political rights. This study used qualitative methods since it involved the characteristics of qualitative procedures of analysis (Creswell, 2009). The main data were collected from the novel, and the supporting data were taken from books, journals and websites dealing with the subject matter of this research. Therefore, this study is categorized as a library research study as is noted by Herbert (1990: 18) who claims that a library research study is research to collect ideas and theories and to report empirical data within scholarship in the library. The research results show that of the three issues foccused on in liberal feminism as proposed by Lewis (2018), those of woman’s equality in the workplace and education are vividly reflected in the novel by the character named Anya who had a prestigious education (she is a Georgetown University graduate) and also has a good career as a management consultant. Equality in political rights is not found in the novel. Keywords: Feminism, Liberal Feminism, Women, Equality in Education, Equality in the Workplace


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Linda Dwi Eriyanti

This study aims to identify the appropriate perspective to describe non-mainstream feminist political thought of NU women. The authors found that political thought of NU women were categorized into the mainstream and non-mainstream thinking. Thought mainstream covers many of the issues associated with formal politics of women, gender equality, as well as sexuality. Mainstream thinkers give prescriptions on such issue through formal state politics and in public areas. While the women's non-mainstream political thought, although identifying the source and impact of the oppression of women is equal to mainstream thinking, they leave notes and analysis of different approaches. This study attempts to framing NU diverse political thought throught the four schools of feminism, the liberal feminism, marxist feminism, socialist feminism and radical feminism. This study found that the ideas of radical feminism turned out to give space to the explanation of political thought NU women's non-mainstream, where they tend to emerge from the lower classes, and not formally organized.


Literator ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-54
Author(s):  
A. Foley

This article focuses on Fay Weldon’s novel, “Praxis”, as a means of exploring the concept of “liberal feminism”. “Praxis” charts the development of the eponymous main protagonist from a woman complicit in her own patriarchal oppression to a radical feminist activist and finally to the point where she comes to a liberal realisation of the nuances of individual women’s experiences and the complexity of emancipation. The novel may be regarded as a liberal feminist text in its emphasis on both gender equality and individual liberty, and in its insistence that society may be positively reformed within the paradigm of the liberal state and without resorting to radical extremism. Published in 1978, the novel anticipates the later shift in feminist thinking from an exclusive concern with women’s rights to a more inclusive liberal vision of human rights.


Documents in chapter three introduce readers to the intricacies and challenges of the first phase of Martin Delany’s entry into the politics of Reconstruction in South Carolina. They elucidate his political philosophy and visions; his advice to blacks on how best to maximize the benefits of their newly acquired citizenship rights; his ambivalent views on black political rights; his controversial stand on social equality; his scathing rebuke of black political aspirations and demands; and insistence that blacks attained some pre-qualification before aspiring for certain political positions. The documents also underscore the conflicting reactions of contemporaries to Delany’s controversial and at times provocative critiques of Radical Reconstruction. Ultimately, his advocacy of compromise, accommodation and racial reconciliation alienated him from the ruling radical Republican Party, prompting his decision to switch party allegiance and join the Democratic Party. The documents represent the conflicts Delany’s ideas provoked and the essential pragmatism of his thoughts.


2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lara Putnam

AbstractThis essay explores debates over political membership and rights within empire from the interwar British Caribbean. Although no formal status of imperial, British, or colonial citizenship existed in this era, British Caribbeans routinely hailed each other as meritorious local “citizens,” demanded political rights due them as “British citizens,” and decried rulers' failure to treat colored colonials equally with other “citizens” of the empire. In the same years, the hundreds of thousands of British West Indians who labored in circum-Caribbean republics like the United States, Panama, Cuba, Venezuela, and Costa Rica experienced firsthand the international consolidation of formal citizenship as a state-issued credential ensuring mobility and abode. This convergence pushed British Caribbeans at home and abroad to question the costs of political disfranchisement and the place of race within empire. The vernacular political philosophy they developed in response importantly complements the influential theories of citizenship and rights developed by European thinkers of the same generation, such as T. H. Marshall and Hannah Arendt.


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