Policy Mediation and the State Legislatures: Common Ground, Divergence, and Liberal Trends

Deathright ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 187-222
Author(s):  
James M. Hoefler ◽  
Brian E. Kamoie
PEDIATRICS ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 599-599
Author(s):  
J. F. L.

The State of New York may be eager to attract new business, but there's one kind of inflow it would do well to avoid. According to state health officials, New York is fast becoming "the surrogate-parenting capital of the nation." New York accounts for some 40 percent of the several thousand surrogate parenting contracts signed so far in the nation, and the number is rising ... At least 17 state legislatures have decided it's harmful commerce, and forbidden it. So have Germany, France, Britain and a slew of other countries. But not New York . . . That's why advertisements like this one appear in New York newspapers: Married or single women with children needed as surrogate mothers for couples unable to have children. Conception to be by artificial insemination. Please state your fee. Contact ... For those who want children, infertility can be a tragedy. Allowing this kind of commerce, however, would be a greater one.


Author(s):  
Catherine O. Jacquet

This chapter examines the conflicts and constraints posed by varying antirape discourses and approaches to antirape activism in the 1970s. At this time, activists in the women’s liberation and black freedom movements confronted one another’s politics on rape, sometimes unable to find common ground. The competing beliefs and approaches that activists brought to their antirape work heightened the potential for discord between movements. This was particularly exacerbated by the increasing role of the state in antirape work. By the mid-1970s, state actors and agencies played a dominating role in antirape work, leaving many feminists deeply concerned about the direction of the movement. State co-optation of key feminist interventions, such as rape crisis centers, resulted in a movement that was largely reformist. Feminists saw their once radical vision of social revolution overshadowed by increasing state efforts for reform-based solutions to the problem of sexual violence.


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 437-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Jones

The facts are by now sufficiently clear for it to be common ground in any discussion of late nineteenth-century imperialism that the British State was disinclined to interfere on behalf of British capitalists with Latin American interests when these were threatened by local firms or States. Equally it is clear that British capitalists did not invest in Argentina in the belief that, by so doing, they were actively assisting the foreign policy of the British State. The State provided no grounds for this belief and no inducement to invest, and had it done so it is unlikely that the capitalists concerned – a pretty liberal bunch by and large – would have responded to any greater extent than they felt was consistent with their economic advantage. Again, there were not, in Britain, territorially ambitious militarists and aristocrats with their sights set on the South American republics. This element was quite adequately catered for in the Empire. In short, the models of imperialism favoured by Hobson, Schumpeter, and other conspiracy theorists, however appropriate they may be in particular cases, cannot be generalized and have very little relevance to Argentina.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin B. Bernstein

In the past two decades, courts and scholars have grappled with the appropriateness of pre-abortion disclosures mandated by the state. Statutes requiring physicians to recite a specific script, often detailing potential psychological “risks” of choosing to terminate a pregnancy, have proliferated nationwide over the past decade. Opponents of such laws have sometimes characterized the requirement of a procedurespecific disclosure as unnecessary and unique to the abortion context. In recent years, however, state legislatures supportive of abortion rights have legislated procedure-specific mandatory disclosures in the context of assisted reproduction and other health care procedures with reproductive health impacts.


Author(s):  
Williams Robert F

This chapter discusses the fact that state constitutions create a legislative branch that is substantially different from the federal Congress. Most importantly, state legislatures exercise reserved, plenary power subject only to limitations in the state or federal Constitutions. The federal Congress, by contrast, exercises enumerated, delegated power. In addition, the state legislatures are subject to a variety of limitations on the process of lawmaking that are contained in state constitutions. The chapter discusses the variety of approaches to judicial enforcement of these procedural limitations. Finally, in a number of states, the state legislature's lawmaking power is shared with the people, who can enact or defeat laws through direct democracy, or the initiative and referendum processes.


1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-372
Author(s):  
Michael B. Ross

The death penalty is a controversial topic that continues to generate heated debate in our country. Polls show that the vast majority of Americans favor the use of capital punishment. In response, politicians both in Congress and in the state legislatures have proposed measures to expand our use of the death penalty and to speed up the rate of executions. However, while this “tough on crime” rhetoric is popular, we as Americans must be careful to see that those whom we do execute are in fact the most culpable of offenders. This article explores our past use of the death penalty and proposes that we implement certain protections for the least culpable of offenders: the mentally ill, the mentally retarded, and the juvenile.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-597
Author(s):  
Robert E. Cushman

Legislative Apportionment. The problem of the representation of large cities or metropolitan districts in state legislatures is becoming increasingly difficult and acute. The number of states in which a single center of population is with each census approaching a size which entitles it, on the basis of its inhabitants, to a controlling proportion of the representatives in the state legislature grows steadily as the current of population toward the city continues to flow. Certain states have dealt with this situation by frankly and openly discriminating against these metropolitan areas by specifying that they shall never be entitled to more than a fixed percentage of the representatives. The constitutions of certain other states do not permit this, however, but require that after each decennial census a total fixed number of members in the legislative body shall be allotted equally to districts of equal population. If this is done the metropolis is guaranteed under each apportionment the increase in representation to which its proportionate increase in population entitles it. And the answer volunteered to this problem by several state legislatures has been steadily to refuse to reapportion the state.


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