scholarly journals Immigration Policy and Partisan Politics in the State Legislatures: 2010–2012

2014 ◽  
pp. 99-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark P. Jones ◽  
Benjamin Chou
2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 599-599
Author(s):  
J. F. L.

The State of New York may be eager to attract new business, but there's one kind of inflow it would do well to avoid. According to state health officials, New York is fast becoming "the surrogate-parenting capital of the nation." New York accounts for some 40 percent of the several thousand surrogate parenting contracts signed so far in the nation, and the number is rising ... At least 17 state legislatures have decided it's harmful commerce, and forbidden it. So have Germany, France, Britain and a slew of other countries. But not New York . . . That's why advertisements like this one appear in New York newspapers: Married or single women with children needed as surrogate mothers for couples unable to have children. Conception to be by artificial insemination. Please state your fee. Contact ... For those who want children, infertility can be a tragedy. Allowing this kind of commerce, however, would be a greater one.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-378
Author(s):  
Andrzej Szabaciuk

The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigration policy, open to labor migration from the Commonwealth of Independent States, towards a policy limiting the influx of Muslim migrants from Central Asia. At the same time Russian government have invited Russian-speaking people from the post-Soviet area to settle in Russia. The introduced restrictions allowed the Russian Federation to use the facilitation of access to the Russian labor market as an instrument encouraging the political and economic integration of the post-Soviet states within the structures controlled by the Russian Federation. The increase in the political component of immigration policy did not change the fact that it was thanks to the influx of people from the post-Soviet area that Russia avoided the depopulation that is currently observed in Ukraine. Analyzing the situation of the Russian Federation and its politics towards the post-Soviet region, the realistic paradigm was used as it best reflects the specificity of the region.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292090338
Author(s):  
Beth Reingold ◽  
Rebecca J. Kreitzer ◽  
Tracy Osborn ◽  
Michele L. Swers

To what extent and under what conditions do women in elective office lead the way on conservative women’s interests? The few existing studies find that, contrary to most research on women’s descriptive and substantive representation, legislative activity on conservative women’s issues in the United States is driven primarily by Republican men. This article takes a new look at the heart of conservative policymaking by analyzing the sponsorship of anti-abortion bills in twenty-one state houses, from 1997 to 2012. We find that conservative Republican women stand at the forefront of anti-abortion policy leadership in state legislatures. However, their distinctive leadership is highly constrained; it is most likely to emerge in policy contexts that use women-centered issue frames and within competitive partisan environments. These complex interactions between gender, ideology, issue framing, and partisanship call for new theories and concepts of women’s representation as not only gendered, but also deeply embedded in the strategic interplay of polarized, partisan politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin B. Bernstein

In the past two decades, courts and scholars have grappled with the appropriateness of pre-abortion disclosures mandated by the state. Statutes requiring physicians to recite a specific script, often detailing potential psychological “risks” of choosing to terminate a pregnancy, have proliferated nationwide over the past decade. Opponents of such laws have sometimes characterized the requirement of a procedurespecific disclosure as unnecessary and unique to the abortion context. In recent years, however, state legislatures supportive of abortion rights have legislated procedure-specific mandatory disclosures in the context of assisted reproduction and other health care procedures with reproductive health impacts.


Author(s):  
Williams Robert F

This chapter discusses the fact that state constitutions create a legislative branch that is substantially different from the federal Congress. Most importantly, state legislatures exercise reserved, plenary power subject only to limitations in the state or federal Constitutions. The federal Congress, by contrast, exercises enumerated, delegated power. In addition, the state legislatures are subject to a variety of limitations on the process of lawmaking that are contained in state constitutions. The chapter discusses the variety of approaches to judicial enforcement of these procedural limitations. Finally, in a number of states, the state legislature's lawmaking power is shared with the people, who can enact or defeat laws through direct democracy, or the initiative and referendum processes.


1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-372
Author(s):  
Michael B. Ross

The death penalty is a controversial topic that continues to generate heated debate in our country. Polls show that the vast majority of Americans favor the use of capital punishment. In response, politicians both in Congress and in the state legislatures have proposed measures to expand our use of the death penalty and to speed up the rate of executions. However, while this “tough on crime” rhetoric is popular, we as Americans must be careful to see that those whom we do execute are in fact the most culpable of offenders. This article explores our past use of the death penalty and proposes that we implement certain protections for the least culpable of offenders: the mentally ill, the mentally retarded, and the juvenile.


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