Benjamin Disraeli, Speech of the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, MP, at the Banquet of the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations at the Crystal Palace, on Monday June 24, 1872

2020 ◽  
pp. 385-393
Author(s):  
Angus Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
Benjamin Disraeli ◽  
National Union ◽  
Crystal Palace ◽  
The Right

Development in Zimbabwe: Strategy and Tactics

1981 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bratton
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Past ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Social Inequities ◽  
Robert Mugabe ◽  
The Right

Events in independent Zimbabwe have confounded pundits on the left and the right who assumed that African resistance to settler colonial rule was more revolutionary than nationalistic. How can the rather unexpected direction of political and economic change in Zimbabwe since April 1980 be understood? The Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) Government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe has committed itself to redress the severe social inequities of the past, but has decided, at least at the outset, to reach its goals through a prudent rather than a doctrinaire approach. What factors explain the current development strategy? Does the apparent accommodation of Z.A.N.U. (P.F.) with private capital signal a dangerous divergence from the stated goal of building socialism? Or does it represent an awakening to the idea that economic production, even if organised on capitalist lines, is a prerequisite of development in Africa?

NAFTA talks will raise Mexican labour reform pressure

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Free Association ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
National Union ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Union Leaders ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Subject Mexico's trade unions. Significance On September 11, the head of Mexico’s main business lobby Coparmex called on Congress to advance several pending issues relating to labour reform before the 2018 elections, including legislation on labour relations, union regulation and collective bargaining contracts. The call comes as the government attempts to resist pressure from Washington and Ottawa to address labour disparities as part of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) renegotiations. Impacts Government and business will oppose any NAFTA alterations that might harm Mexico’s comparative advantages. Union leaders will resist strengthening the right to free association, which would allow workers to opt for alternative unions. The Confederation of Workers of Mexico will put pressure on its more than 11,000 affiliated unions to vote for the PRI in 2018. The independent National Union of Workers will call on affiliates to support leftist options. Discontent has increased among unionised workers, who will not necessarily vote along the same lines as the leaders.

scholarly journals Gestão da educação municipal nos sistemas e redes de ensino/educação tocantinenses: desafios na garantia do direito educacional no período da pandemia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Rute Soares Rodrigues ◽  
Idemar Vizolli ◽  
Maria Solange Rodrigues de Sousa ◽  
Meire Lucia Andrade da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Digital Information ◽  
Right To Education ◽  
National Union ◽  
Hybrid Education ◽  
Education Professionals ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Right

This article focuses on the management of municipal education in the system and educational networks of the state of Tocantins, regarding the guarantee of the right to education in the period of the Covid-19 pandemic. It aims to understand the challenges and dilemmas faced by the Secretaries of Education in municipalities of Tocantins in the pandemic period, more precisely about remote, hybrid education and the use of digital information and communication technologies (ICT) as a way to ensure the educational rights established by law. This is bibliographic-documentary research that deals with the management of education grounded in the regulations of the state and federal spheres and based on field research developed by the National Union of Municipal Education Directors (UNDIME). The study presents the results of the situational diagnosis of the municipalities at the start of the pandemic in 2020 and evidences: the difficulties of the Municipal Secretaries of Education, the implications of the non-face-to-face teaching, the plan to resume face-to-face classes for the 2020 and 2021 school years. Also, the panorama of the educational reality in the state of Tocantins lacks of major investments in technology and connectivity in the schools; better training for education professionals and improvements in the infrastructure of educational units in order to fulfill the right to education.

Ethiopia's “Leap in the Dark”: Federalism and Self-Determination in the New constitution

1995 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul H. Brietzke
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Benjamin Disraeli ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The 19Th Century

Benjamin Disraeli took a calculated “leap in the dark” in 1867, when he extended the right to vote to almost all British men. With hindsight, his leap can be seen to have been a necessary (but not sufficient) means of defusing discontent and promoting democratization. Ethiopia seems poised for an even bigger constitutional leap into a murkier realm, into an ethnicized attempt at democratization. To gain acceptance, a new constitution like Ethiopia's must seem to be all things to all people and, in Ethiopia and elsewhere, the end of the Cold War has seen an explosion of ethnic nationalisms similar to the one occurring in Europe late in the 19th century. Without benefit of hindsight one can only make informed guesses about the effects of a new Ethiopian “constitutionalism” on events which are largely beyond the drafters’ control. I will argue that there are grounds for a guarded optimism over Ethiopia's leap.

scholarly journals Octobrists and nationalists in the III and IV State Duma

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
A. S. Parakhin
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Historical Science ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Third ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Full Sense ◽  
October 17 ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

The State Duma of the third and fourth convocations were represented by a wide range of factions, among which were intermediate groups, namely nationalists and Octobrists, conservative-liberal and liberal-conservative, respectively. In historical science, it is generally accepted that the only allies of the Octobrists (in the full sense of the word) were the All-Russian National Union. The purpose of the article is to determine the specifics of the relationship between Octobrists and nationalists in the III State Duma and in the Duma of the fourth convocation. The study is based on an array of sources on the work of both state dooms, as well as on articles and monographs on this issue. Based on the analysis of these sources and special literature, the main areas of activity of the two factions, the places of their rapprochement, the reasons for the separation of nationalists from the right-wing forces were identified. The work of the III State Duma is connected with the fact that not a liberal majority was formed, but the right, but at the heart of it was not the extreme right, but the October-nationalist bloc, but its stability was very controversial. The novelty of the study is a systematic and multilateral study of all the specifics of relations between the Union of October 17 and the All-Russian National Union, which may call into question the full solidarity of these factions on all issues from the III State Duma to 1917.

scholarly journals Orthodox Clergy and Right-Wing Political Movements in Russia at the Beginning of XX Century: Church Press

2021 ◽  
pp. 286-305
Author(s):  
A. A. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.

scholarly journals REVISITING AN OLD FRIEND: WHAT CONSTITUTES “A MATTER OF MUTUAL INTEREST” IN RELATION TO A STRIKE? A TALE OF TWO RECENT CASES Pikitup (SOC) Ltd v SA Municipal Workers Union on behalf of Members (2014) 35 ILJ 983 (LAC); and Vanachem Vanadium Products (Pty)

Obiter ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monray Marsellus Botha
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
National Union ◽  
Workplace Issues ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Municipal Workers ◽  
Mutual Interest ◽  
The Right ◽  
Labour Disputes

The purpose of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (the LRA) is to advance economic development, social justice, labour peace and democratization of the workplace. The primary objects of the LRA, inter alia, include the following: “to provide a framework within which employees and their trade unions, employers and employer’s organisations can (i) collectively bargain to determine wages, terms and conditions of employment, and other matters of mutual interest; and (ii) formulate industrial policy”, and “to promote orderly collective bargaining [and] (ii) collective bargaining at sectoral level”. The LRA in its purpose provision also makes provision for the advancement of the effective resolution of labour disputes and employee participation in decision-making in the workplace. Central to collective bargaining is the right to strike and the recourse to lock-out, respectively available to employees and employers. The collective-bargaining system has since 2007 become increasingly adversarial as “a decline in negotiating capacity, the re-emergence of non-workplace issues negotiations, and the rise of general mistrust between the parties” as the key factors contributing to the worsening of the collective bargaining is evident. The focus on strikes, has unfortunately, not been positive, as some industries have been plagued by violent, and/or unprotected and sometimes protected strike action that carries on for long periods of time. The focus of this case note is, however, not to look at the latter categories of strikes but rather to discuss a very contentious issue related to strike action: What constitutes mutual interest with reference to strikes? Two recent cases (Pikitup (SOC) Ltd v SA Municipal Workers Union on behalf of Members (2014) 35 ILJ 983 (LAC); and Vanachem Vanadium Products (Pty) Ltd v National Union of Metal Workers of SA Case No J 658/14) will be evaluated against the backdrop of existing literature and case law on this issue.

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