‘Secondary foreign policy’ through the prism of cross-border governance in the US–Canada Pacific Northwest border region

Author(s):  
Bruno Dupeyron
Author(s):  
Johannes Riquet

Chapter 3 draws on (post-)phenomenology, ecocriticism, and Benoît Mandelbrot’s fractal geometry to examine a set of diaries and memoirs from the US–Canadian border region in the Pacific Northwest that express a permeable conception of islands and the islanded self. It argues that memoirs like Helene Glidden’s The Light on the Island (1951), Muriel Wylie Blanchet’s The Curve of Time (1961), and David Conover’s Once Upon an Island (1967) imagine islands as spaces inserted within larger ecological and geological continuities. Their reimagination of islands in multiple interconnectedness disrupts arbitrarily drawn political borders, yet they also have a tendency to construct a unified ecological landscape with its own exclusions. Conversely, George Vancouver’s North Pacific journal—the foundational text for this chapter—and the geological diary of George Gibbs inadvertently offer a more radical island poetics: in these texts, the unfamiliar islandscapes aesthetically resist the cartographic drive to fix them.


Author(s):  
Ersela Kripa ◽  
◽  
Stephen Mueller ◽  

Airborne particulate in the US/Mexico border region indexes an emerging transnational security concern, enabling the proliferation of novel managerial infrastructures. Through an investigation of the weaponized atmospheres and securocratic frontiers of cross-border dust, the paper uncovers an invisible agent with the capacity to reshape bodies, buildings, cities, and territories in its image.


Author(s):  
Lee Jolliffe

The cross-border partnership of international parks along the US-Canada border is an example of the kind of collaboration that is required for binational heritage initiatives. This chapter extends previous research that has focused on various aspects of border tourism by studying cultural tourism and identity in a specific cross-border region. Such regions often have similar cultures and heritages, yet the nature of border crossings and regulations can often inhibit joint initiatives. Partnerships, on the other hand, can be aimed at breaking down these barriers.


Norteamérica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
María de los Ángeles Flores ◽  
Manuel Chavez

In New York City, on June 16, 2015, Donald J. Trump announced his candidacy for president of the United States. During his speech, he stated, among other things, that Mexico is no friend of the US because it is economically killing the US. At the border, Mexicans are bringing drugs, are bringing crime, they are rapists, and Mexicans have a lot of problems that they are bringing with them to the US. Also, Trump stated that Mexico is taking America’s jobs. Trump finished his talk by saying that he will build a wall on the southern border and Mexico will pay for it. From this moment on, the US-Mexico border region became the news epicenter in the nation, making the national news agenda daily throughout the 2016 presidential campaign. This paper examines Trump’s candidate-generated messages as part of his political communication strategy. The present investigation content analyzed Trump’s official website, his first 100 days contract, his political ads, and his tweets to identify Trump’s border agenda. Outcomes show that, overall, Trump presented a total of 16 issues, six of which were related to the border. The six issues were economy, foreign policy, immigration, regulations, taxes, and trade. Each of the issues were content analyzed to determine their particular issue positions regarding the border. Results documented that 27 issue positions were related to the border, two positions coming from the economy, five from foreign policy, eleven from immigration, two from regulations, four from taxes, and three from trade. Therefore, the most important issue related to the border was immigration. Its topmost recurrent issue positions were to build a wall on the border with Mexico that Mexico will pay for, to secure our borders, to stop immigrants, to stop drugs, to stop money, and to end illegal immigration to keep America safe. Overall, Trump’s most effective political communication venues to disseminate his US-Mexico border agenda to American voters was Trump’s Tweeter account and his First 100 Days Contract.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Barthel ◽  
Ewelina Barthel

Abstract This paper focuses on the largely unexamined phenomenon of the developing trans-national suburban area west of Szczecin. Sadly the local communities in this functionally connected area struggle with national planning policies that are unsuitable for the region. The paper examines the impact of those processes on the border region in general and on the localities in particular. The paper investigates the consequences for local narratives and the cohesive development of the Euroregion and what position Polish and German communities took to develop the region, even without the necessary planning support. The region has succeeded in establishing grass-roots planning mechanisms which have helped to create a metropolitan-region working from the bottom up.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Yáñez-Arancibia ◽  
John W. Day

The arid border region that encompasses the American Southwest and the Mexican northwest is an area where the nexus of water scarcity and climate change in the face of growing human demands for water, emerging energy scarcity, and economic change comes into sharp focus.


Author(s):  
Valentyna Bohatyrets ◽  
Liubov Melnychuk ◽  
Yaroslav Zoriy

This paper seeks to investigate sustainable cross-border cooperation (CBC) as a distinctive model of interstate collaboration, embedded in the neighboring borderland regions of two or more countries. The focus of the research revolves around the establishment and further development of geostrategic, economic, cultural and scientific capacity of the Ukrainian-Romanian partnership as a fundamental construct in ensuring and strengthening the stability, security and cooperation in Europe. This research highlights Ukraine’s aspirations to establish, develop and diversify bilateral good-neighborly relations with Romania both regionally and internationally. The main objective is to elucidate Ukraine-Romania cross-border cooperation initiatives, inasmuch Ukraine-Romania CBC has been stirring up considerable interest in terms of its inexhaustible historical, cultural and spiritual ties. Furthermore, the similarity of the neighboring states’ strategic orientations grounds the basis for development and enhancement of Ukraine-Romania cooperation. The authors used desk research and quantitative research to conclude that Ukraine-Romania CBC has the impact not only on the EU and on Ukraine multi-vector foreign policy, but it also has the longer-term global consequences. In the light of the current reality, the idea of introducing and reinforcing the importance of Cross-Border Cooperation (CBC) sounds quite topical and relevant. This research considers a number of explanations for Ukraine-Romania Cross-Border Cooperation as a key element of the EU policy towards its neighbors. Besides, the subject of the research is considered from different perspectives in order to show the diversity and complexity of the Ukraine-Romania relations in view of the fact that sharing common borders we are presumed to find common solutions. As the research has demonstrated, the Ukraine-Romania cross border cooperation is a pivotal factor of boosting geostrategic, economic, political and cultural development for each participant country, largely depending on the neighboring countries’ cohesion and convergence. Significantly, there is an even stronger emphasis on the fact that while sharing the same borders, the countries share common interests and aspirations for economic thriving, cultural exchange, diplomatic ties and security, guaranteed by a legal framework. The findings of this study have a number of important implications for further development and enhancement of Ukraine-Romania cooperation. Accordingly, the research shows how imperative are the benefits of Romania as a strategic partner for outlining top priorities of Ukraine’s foreign policy.


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