scholarly journals Szkoła na krańcu Galicji. Gimnazjum prywatne w Borszczowie 1909–1914

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (26) ◽  
pp. 85-94
Author(s):  
Maria Stinia

[A school on the outskirts of Galicia. The private gimnazjum in Borshchiv 1909–1914] The secondary school (gimnazjum) in the town of Borshchiv (Borszczów) was established in 1909. An important figure who took part in its creation was Count Tadeusz Czarkowski-Golejewski. Though the school had existed for a short period before the First World War, it utilized interesting educational solutions based on student autonomy, relationship with the parents and combining intellectual and physical effort. In the local community the school gave the incentive to develop regionalism. Due to a large number of auditors taking part in the lessons, and evening courses for girls, elements of co-education were introduced in the provinces. Co-operation with branches of the “Falcon” Polish Gymnastic Society as well as involvement of local medical community made it possible to popularize physical education and provide medical and hygienic supervision to a large group of young people. The pedagogical offer of the school was above all directed to Polish people from the town and its vicinity, which was evident in the changing ethnic and religious structures.

2021 ◽  
pp. 096777202097458
Author(s):  
Božidar Pocevski ◽  
Prim. Predrag Pocevski ◽  
Lidija Horvat

Dr Božidar Kostić (1892–1960) – physician of noble heart – was born in Niš (Kingdom of Serbia) in a distinguished family of academically educated parents. As there were no medical faculties in Kingdom of Serbia, after high school, which he had finished with great success, in 1911 he enrolled at the Graz University of Medicine, a prestigious medical university. Soon he transferred to the Faculty of Medicine at Charles University in Prague, where he continued his studying for another ten semesters. In Prague, The Golden City, after the First World War, he finished his studies with an average grade of 10. After the Second World War, he worked as a doctor with a private medical practice in Belgrade, but soon he moved to Vranje, where he established the Town Polyclinic and contributed to the final flourishing of the most important forms of health care activities in liberated Vranje, donating his rich knowledge and skills, which led the health service to move to forms of independent work and development of new activities. For his contribution to the community, by decree of His Majesty King of Yugoslavia Alexander I Karađorđević, he received the Order of Saint Sava. Dr Božidar Kostić and his wife Pravda devoted their lives to the health and educational upbringing of the people in the south parts of Serbia (then Social Federative Republic of Yugoslavia). Until his last days he lived and worked as a true folk doctor.


Author(s):  
Antony Polonsky

This chapter addresses the position of Jews in Lithuania between the two world wars. Although the history of inter-war Lithuania reveals many political failures, it is clear that, even during the authoritarian period, civil society continued to develop. Illiteracy was largely eradicated and impressive advances were made in social and intellectual life. In addition, land reform created a prosperous farming community whose products made up the bulk of the country's exports. The first years of Lithuanian independence were marked by a far-reaching experiment in Jewish autonomy. The experiment attracted wide attention across the Jewish world and was taken as a model by some Jewish politicians in Poland. Jewish autonomy also seemed to be in the interests of Lithuanians. The bulk of the Lithuanian lands remained largely agricultural until the First World War. Relations between Jews, who were the principal intermediaries between the town and manor and the countryside, and the mainly peasant Lithuanians took the form of a hostile symbiosis. This relationship was largely peaceful, and anti-Jewish violence was rare, although, as elsewhere, the relationship was marked by mutual contempt.


Balcanica ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
Stratos Dordanas

Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War Germany mobilized hu?man resources from all fields and put up all the necessary funds to counter British and French propaganda. In a very short period of time, it was in a position to organize its own propaganda networks abroad, to a large extent, by using the respective commercial networks and the pre-war enterprises operating in various countries. It was the neutral countries around the world that were among the primary targets of German propaganda. In the Balkans particular effort was made to create a favourable climate for the Central Powers and prevail over the adverse British and French influence. With the assistance of commercial circles and the appropriation of large sums of money, newspapers, journalists and publishing groups were bought off, information offices set up, agents recruited, politi?cal parties and politicians bribed, and pro-German parties founded. The aim was to influ?ence public opinion, promote the German version of war developments, and manipulate political leaders to give up their stance of neutrality and make the decision for their coun?try to take part in the war on the side of Germany. However, even though Berlin focused its attention on the Balkans where the major propaganda networks were organized, the propaganda campaigns proved to be essentially ineffective. Following Bulgaria?s entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers and the destruction of Serbia, first Romania and then Greece joined the Entente, finding themselves on the winning side at the war?s end.


2021 ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
Елена Евгеньевна Ходченко

The article raises the problems of the Mennonite community's reflection on the reforms in Russian Empire as well as the modernization of social, political and economic environment in 1861–1914, during the First World War, the recurring power changes and political anarchy in Ukraine during the Civil War. The author examines the Mennonites' attempts to adjust the changes in reality, the cause-and-effect relationships of arising social crisis which ultimately led to the destruction of the ethnoreligious community's canonical foundations. The research bases on the testimonies of the eyewitnesses (given in their diaries), memoirs and other published materials. The author examines the gradual deviation processes among the Mennonite society that were transforming the fundamental statements of the congregations’ doctrine and their moral norms and traditions. It is analyzed whether the Russian-Ukrainian Mennonites remained an ethno-religious conglomerate or lost their inherent values. As a result it has been proved the following: the Mennonites in Russia in a short period from the beginning of the reforms of the 1860s – 1870s to the beginning of the 20th century, went from a close-knit religious community to an opened and spiritually weakened unification. During the period of “challenges and reactions” of the First World War and the Civil War, the leaders of the community were unable to maintain the unity and cohesion, a complex of moral and ethical markers, pacifist views, social institutions, which led to a deformation of values and disorientation in further actions. Only a small part of the Mennonites society was able to organize itself and, thanks to the support of the Canadian Mennonites communities, it emigrated in 1923–1926 and thus avoided the Bolshevik regime repressions. Key words: the Mennonites, World War I, Civil War, Makhno, identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-414
Author(s):  
Simon Hancock

The experiences of Belgian refugees during the First World War remain a comparatively neglected area of research. This article examines the experiences of Belgian refugees in Pembrokeshire, the largest concentration in Wales. It considers responses to the newcomers, the formation and activities of refugee committees, the impact of the Defence of the Realm Act on refugees, their patterns of employment (especially fishing), the provisions made for the refugees' education and religion, as well as occasional tensions between the local community and the visitors. It concludes with a discussion of the refugees' return to Belgium at the end of the war.


Author(s):  
O.V. Zakharova

This work is devoted to the issue of governorate zemstvos, to the consideration of issues that were resolved during the First World War, as well as to the study of the participation of nobles in the zemstvo governorate and county assembly. The abolition of serfdom was the reason for the creation of zemstvos. They were necessary for the exercise of local self-government in the administrative-territorial units of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the XIX – early XX century zemstvos had an important place in the social and economic development of all governorates of the Russian Empire, on which territory they were formed. All issues of social and economic security of the governorate were decided at the Governorate Zemstvo Assembly. Estimates of expected revenues and expenditures for the year were discussed at these meetings during the First World War. The issues of providing the necessary funding for the organization of work of zemstvo institutions, providing social security to the employees of zemstvo organizations were also considered. During the First World War, the issues related to the payment of social assistance to refugees and families of lower military ranks were added to the current ones. Qualified personnel were needed to ensure the work of the zemstvo bodies. They were representatives of the highest social class. The leaders of the County Zemstvo Assembly of the Bessarabian governorate held the positions of members of the town council in the Governorate Zemstvo Assembly. As a result of research based on the address-calendars of the Bessarabian governorate using statistical and chronological methods, it became known that the nobles held almost all the positions of members of the town council in the Governorate Zemstvo Assembly during the First World War. In 1914 and before the elections held in 1915, their number was 94.5%, and after the election of 1915, their number was already 94.1%. Upon the amendments in the legislation of the Russian Empire in 1890, the landowners, who were representatives of the small nobility, had the right to participate in the election of county members of the town council.


2018 ◽  
pp. 129-136
Author(s):  
Anthony Rimmington

There is substantive evidence of the long-term integration of veterinary microbiological facilities within the USSR’s biological warfare programs. The initial impetus to this process were the concerns of the early Soviet regime over BW sabotage attacks by Germany in the First World War. In December 1918, the Red Army created its own military veterinary facility which was eventually transferred to Zagorsk. BW research also appears to have been pursued at a civil laboratory on Lisii Island close to the town of Vyshny Volochek.


2021 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-442
Author(s):  
Stefanie Middendorf

Abstract In the aftermath of the First World War, the Weimar Republic found itself in financial disarray. Originally put forward by the antirepublican right, the idea of a forced loan emerged. The idea triggered harsh controversies regarding the shortfalls in the new state’s sovereignty and its lack of fiscal power within the framework of an international order. The conflicting images of the Weimar state effected the decisions finally taken. This article argues that a rhetoric of emergency was combined with notions of the expert as an apolitical figure in order to legitimize compulsory lending. Yet, contrary to contemporary perceptions, the Weimar forced loan was not a result of governmental impotence or an exceptional incident within the history of public finance. As a political tool, it helped to solve conflicts on the national as well as the international level, if only for a short period of time. As an instrument of state finance, it was not an act of failure to still fiscal needs the ‚normal way‘ but a conscious claim for the autonomy of the Weimar state. But the conviction that compulsory loans might be a legitimate element of fiscal politics under the auspices of a strong and well-informed state emerged only with the Second World War – in Germany as well as on an international level.


1970 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Clinton

The first World War was an important period in the history of the British trade union and labour movement. It is well known that at a national level the leaders of the trade unions were consulted by the government to a greater extent than ever before, and that the signing of the Treasury Agreements represented a recognition of their importance, and made them partners in the prosecution of the war. Labour Party leaders also became members of the administration, thus confirming once and for all that they were “fit to govern”. These were significant developments for the working class movement, but they did not take place without sharpened disagreements within the movement and the growth of increasingly radical political and social attitudes. The purpose of this article is to show that at a local level there were almost precisely parallel developments for the working class movement during the war years. There was a similar accession to power, if more limited, and to prestige in the local community, if often more grudgingly conceded. At the same time there was a growth of general disillusionment with the work which was undertaken, and by the end of the war, an increasingly militant attitude on trade union and general political questions.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. George Hummasti

The situation produced by the First World War greatly influenced communities of European immigrants in America, like the settlement of Finns at Astoria, Oregon. The war changed the relationships of Finns there among themselves, with their old homeland, and with the American population of the town. These changes, the last in particular, were felt most acutely by a large group of Finnish socialists. The war encouraged them to increased activity and brought to the Americans a heightened awareness of them both as foreigners and as radicals. This led to attempts by the Americans to suppress radicalism among the Finns.


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