scholarly journals Las “ravnopravki” y el movimiento por la igualdad de los derechos a través de la historiografía = The “ravnopravki” and the movement for the equality of rights through historiography

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Laura Branciforte

Resumen: En este artículo se aborda, a partir de un estado de la cuestión sobre el debate historiográfico más reciente en torno a las mujeres y la revolución rusa, el papel que tuvieron las feministas rusas, las ravnopravki, las luchadoras por la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres. A través de algunas de las protagonistas del asociacionismo feminista, haré especial hincapié en el movimiento sufragista que se fue consolidando en un momento clave para el Imperio ruso, desde 1905 hasta 1917. Pasando de una revolución a otra, de un domingo a otro (1905- 1917), analizaré, a raíz de la bibliografía existente, no muy copiosa, las formas de la participación de las mujeres en el estallido de la Revolución de febrero, el día 23 de febrero o 8 de marzo de 1917 según el calendario adoptado: el Día Internacional de las mujeres, disputado entre bolcheviques y feministas. Por último, tomaré en consideración otro día muy señalado en la historia del protagonismo revolucionario femenino ruso y su descripción en la historiografía: el día 19 de marzo de 1917, cuando, 40.000 mujeres marcharon por la Nevsky Prospect, bajo el lema: igualdad para las mujeres y obtuvieron el sufragio universal del nuevo gobierno provisional.Palabras claves: ravnopravki, Día Internacional de las mujeres, feminismo, bolcheviques, activismo femenino y feminista.Summary: Starting with a review of the historiographical debate about women and the Russian Revolution, this paper deals with the role that Russian feminists, the ravnopravki, played in the fight for the equal rights of women. Through some of the protagonists of feminist associations, the focus is on the Suffragist movement that was gaining momentum at a key moment for the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Going from one revolution to another, from one Sunday to another (1905-1917), the analysis relies on the existing, though not-so-abundant literature and explores the ways in which women participated in the outbreak of the February Revolution, on 23 February or 8 March 1917, depending on the calendar adopted for International Women’s Day, which was disputed between Bolsheviks and feminists. Finally, consideration is given to another important date in the history of the revolutionary role of the movement of Russian women and its description in historiography, 19 March 1917, when 40,000 women marched down the Nevsky Prospect under the slogan: Equality for women! and obtained universal suffrage from the new Provisional Government.Key words: ravnopravki, International Women’s Day, feminism, Bolsheviks, feminine and feminist activism.

2021 ◽  
pp. 342-356
Author(s):  
Elena S. Sonina ◽  

Due to the literary-centric nature of Russian culture and the performance of the functions of civil society by the printed word, the role of the writer in the history of Russian literature and journalism of the Russian Empire was traditionally high. Therefore, satirical graphics constantly turned to the image of the Russian writer. The study compares the methods of depicting writers in the 19th and early 20th centuries and isolates the traditions of referring to the literary past and present. Caricature in connection with new trends in literature showed writers in the role of heroes of low and elite cultures, “tramps” (bossjaki) and modernists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Irina Shikhova ◽  
◽  
Iulii Palihovici ◽  

The article for the first time in Romanian examines the Jewish ethnological aspect of the history of law in the Russian Empire. The authors, using specific primary material of legislative acts, as well as other historical sources, investigate the history of the appearance of Jews within the borders of the Russian Empire, the history of the creation and functioning of the Jewish Pale of Settlement and the evolution of the official attitude towards them. The authors reveal three fundamental positions on which the entire policy of the Russian Empire regarding the Jews was built: Jews within the Russian Empire have the right to settle only in certain regions; they are attached to the kahals (later – Jewish societies), which are collectively responsible to the state; taxes from Jews are higher than from other citizens of the empire, regardless of their economic status. The particular study is devoted to the short period of liberalization in the first years of the reign of Alexander I, whose "Polojenie o evreiah" at the declarative level gave Jews almost equal rights with the rest of the citizens of the Empire and encouraged them to cultural and economic integration.. The research focuses as well on the regional aspect: history, population, territories of the modern Republic of Moldova and Romania. The chronological framework of this article is from the beginning of the reign of Catherine the Great (1762) to the creation of the Bessarabian region (1818). In the future the study will continue historically, until the collapse of the Russian Empire and the abolition of the Pale of Settlement


Author(s):  
V. M. Avilov ◽  
V. V. Sochnev ◽  
A. A. Gusev ◽  
A. G. Luchkin ◽  
N. V. Barkova

Based on archival data on the activities of the veterinary service of the Russian Empire, a list of especially dangerous infectious diseases of domestic animals is given; the role of the veterinary service in the prevention of these nosological forms is shown; the main legislative acts concerning the prevention of infectious diseases of animals are considered.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
Maria A.  Saevskaya

Local self-administration was introduced in Russia by the Tsar Alexander II “Liberator” in 1864 and became one of the most important political events in the Russian Empire of that time. The new reform immediately sparked vigorous discussions on how exactly the Russian Zemstvo should be organized. The question of the role and importance of classes in Zemstvo institutions became most important. The Russian conservatives were also looking for the answer. Some of them considered that it was necessary to defend the old imperial order and the dominant role of the nobility, others hoped that Zemstvo would become a nationwide force based on the principle of the participation of all classes. Yu. F. Samarin, Zemstvo leader, Slavophil and the author of the most prominent project on the history of Zemstvo in Russia, supported the second alternative. He consistently criticized the idyll of the nobility domination in Zemstvo, asserted the ability of the peasants for self-government, and supported introducing the principle of all-classes representation in Zemstvo institutions of the Russian empire.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-117
Author(s):  
Dariusz Szpoper

The article is devoted to the Council of State (Gosudarstvenny soviet) of the Russian Empire. The author presents an evolution of the state authority. Over the years of its operation it played the role of institution that advised the emperor on the legislative matters. A very important moment in the history of this institution was 1906, when the authority became the upper house of the Russian parliament. In this article the author presents the structure of the State Council and its staff composition, including participation of Poles and Lithuanians in its work.


2019 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Павел Евгеньевич Липовецкий

Статья посвящена истории становления организаций либерального духовенства в годы Первой русской революции (1905-1907) Политический кризис, начавшийся в Российской империи в 1905 г., поставил духовенство Православной Церкви перед необходимостью определить свою позицию по ряду общественных вопросов. Значительная часть клириков высказала симпатии либеральному направлению в политике. Наиболее крупные организации либерального духовенства сложились в Санкт-Петербурге и Москве. Сменившая несколько названий, столичная организация, выросшая из группы 32-х пастырей, в определённой степени пользовались поддержкой правящего архиерея - митр. Антония (Вадковского). Клирики имели возможность высказываться на собраниях и со страниц периодической печати. В свою очередь представители московского духовенства объединились на базе «Общества любителей духовного просвещения». Однако вскоре члены Общества вступили в конфликт с митр. Владимиром (Богоявленским), что заставило их искать поддержки у партии «Союз 17 октября». Это привело к созданию независимой от церковного начальства организации, получившей название «Вероисповедная комиссия при Союзе 17 октября». В программном отношении организации либерального духовенства схожи между собой. Первоначальной темой обсуждения в них были вопросы церковного преобразования, но позднее общественные темы приобрели больший вес. В провинции на данный момент объединений либерального духовенства выявить не удалось. Тем не менее прослеживается деятельность отдельных клириков. The article is devoted to the history of formation of liberal clergy organizations in the years of the First Russian revolution (1905-1907) The political crisis which began in the Russian Empire in 1905 made the Orthodox clergy to define their position on a number of social questions. A large proportion of the clergy expressed sympathy for the liberal trend in politics. The largest organisations of liberal clergy emerged in St Petersburg and Moscow. The organisation in the capital, which had grown out of a group of 32 pastors, had the support of the ruling bishop, Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky), to a certain extent. The clerics were able to speak out at meetings and in the press. Representatives of the Moscow clergy in their turn united on the basis of the 'Society of Lovers of Spiritual Enlightenment'. However, members of the Society soon came into conflict with Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), which compelled them to seek support from the October 17th Union party. This led to the creation of an organization independent of church authorities called the Faith-Based Commission under the October 17th Union. In programmatic terms, the liberal clergy organizations were similar. Their initial topic of discussion was ecclesiastical conversion, but later social topics acquired greater weight. No liberal clergy associations could be traced in the provinces at present. Nevertheless, the activities of individual clerics can be traced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
T. Yu. Vepretskaya

The article examines the  memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del  Villar, the   Count of  Cartagena. He  held  the   post of the  Spanish ambassador in the  Russian  Empire in 1914-1916 when World War  One  broke out.  “Memories  of my Embassy in Russia”  by Morillo is a specific source that shows the  life of the  zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much  in Russian  historiography.  Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the  Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the  memoirs showed that the  Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred  German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of  the  role of Russia  in unleashing the  war.  The  author of this  article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the  internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the  Spanish ambassador  was one of  the  Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict  neutrality throughout the  war. The  Spanish embassy  in Russia  carried out  important humanitarian mission  and active mediation activities, supporting Russian  citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the  situation of Russian  prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the  personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also  touched upon in this article.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yakov M. Rabkin

This article examines the history of Israel's lingua franca as a constituent of the Zionist project. Based largely on recent scholarship, this work sheds light on the role of language in the educational and political efforts to create a New Hebrew Man who, in contradistinction to the European Jew, was to live ‘as a free man’ in his own land. Reflecting Jewish experience in the Russian Empire, these efforts alienated traditional, particularly non-Ashkenazi Jews. The article addresses the question of the uniqueness of the modern Israeli vernacular that contributes to the historical legitimacy of Zionism and the state of Israel.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (48) ◽  
pp. 213-226
Author(s):  
Yakov Lazarev ◽  
Marina Nakishova

The reviewed book of the famous Russian historian B. N. Mironov focuses on the problems of ethno-confessional policy in Russia of the 18th to early 20th centuries. The primary aim of the monograph is to analyze the influence and role of geographical factors on the history of Russia as a whole, as well as to reconstruct and evaluate the principles and methods of ethno-confessional policy aimed at the inclusion and integration of ethnic diversity in the general imperial space. The review highlights the issue of the impossibility of reconstructing the Russian policy on ethnic diversity through the prism of statistics of the late 19th century, and the relationship between the abstract “state” and abstract “local elites”. The example of the policy towards Ukrainian territories shows the controversial conceptual constructions of Mironov, which reproduced the discussion provisions of the Ukrainian national narrative.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 44-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. V. Klepikova

The paper discusses the philosophical and historical doctrine of the Russian philosopher and historian George Petrovich Fedotov. The author focuses on the analysis of imperial issues in the works of G.P. Fedotov, especially of his views on the cultural history of the Russian empire and the essence of imperial project in Russia. Fedotov reconsiders the historical experience and revolutionary catastrophe of Russia and searches for the foundations of the social and cultural processes determining the events of Russian history. Fedotov’s works offer a variety of interpretations of the political and cultural phenomenon of empire. This reflects his evolution as a philosopher of history: the focus of his vision shifts from the Medieval Rus to the Empire of Peter the Great, then to the collapsed empire of Nicholas II and finally to the USSR (the latter was also an empire according to him). Fedotov’s concept of Empire evolves into a timeless cultural-philosophical phenomenon but originates from the historical description of the centralization of power in the feudal monarchy of Ivan the Terrible. The evolution of the philosophical and historical views of Fedotov is influenced by the changes of his attitude to the historical conception of Klyuchevsky. In the 1940s Fedotov considers the empire as a universal idea. The concept of empire proposed by Fedotov gives an understanding of the Russian historical development, especially the causes of the decline and fall of the Russian Empire. Fedotov associates the cause of the salvation of Russia with the study of ancient Russian culture, in which he founds a moral and political ideal of the “Republic of Saint Sophia.” The paper shows heuristic potential of Fedotov’s cultural and philosophical ideas on the vocation of spiritual elite and the creative role of personality in the process of nation-building.


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