scholarly journals Small and Medium Scale Enterprises, Employment and Income Generation in Nigeria: A Focus on Professional Sports Viewing and Betting Centers

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Emmanuel O. Okon

Given Nigeria’s high unemployment and poverty figures and the expected roles from SMEs, the Nigerian government had in the past devised policies and incentives for the development of small and medium scale Enterprises. In spite of all these efforts by the government, both at federal, state, and local government levels, to ensure the growth of SMEs in Nigeria, some key factors have been claimed to be responsible for their perceived failure in Nigeria. However, this paper focuses on new SMEs that have emerged in the form of professional sports and betting centers which are creating jobs and generated income in Nigeria and Africa in general. The sport and betting center businesses like any SME require serious attention so that their developmental role and sustainability will provide the much needed sustainable development of Nigeria with regard to job and wealth creation. This paper examines the challenges and way forward for sport viewing and betting centre businesses in Nigeria.

2021 ◽  
pp. 027507402199045
Author(s):  
Suzanne Leland ◽  
Zachary Mohr ◽  
Jaclyn Piatak

While governments increasingly turn to third-party providers to deliver public services and government responsibilities are increasingly shifted from the federal to the state and local levels, both contracting and the division of powers under federalism blur lines of accountability. Because recent experiments on blame shifting find mixed results and citizens have different expectations of federal, state, and local government, we ask the following: How does blame attribution in third-party governance compare across levels of government? To address this question, we employ a timely survey experiment to examine who is responsible for a prisoner’s death in the case of interstate prisoner transport, which is one of the few services that is provided across all levels of government and by government contractors. The results show that contracting reduces the level of blame attributed to the government and that blame for contract failures varies by the level of government. Across levels of government, we find the local government sees the largest reduction in blame by contracting out. Findings have implications for accountability in contracting arrangements in public safety contexts.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Mckenzie ◽  
Emmanuel Sokpo ◽  
Alastair Ager

The Partnership for Reviving Routine Immunization in Northern Nigeria - Maternal, Newborn and Child Health initiative supports efforts by the government of Nigeria to bridge primary health care (PHC) policies and services at three levels of government: federal, state and local. The paper suggests that understandings informed by complexity theory and complex adaptive systems have been helpful in shaping policy and programme design across these levels. To illustrate this, three initiatives are explored: <em>Bringing PHC under one roof</em>, enhancing access to funding provided by the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization, and strengthening the midwives service scheme. These initiatives have demonstrated how concepts and experience developed at subnational level can influence national policy and practice, and how work at subnational levels can add value to nationally conceived and nationally driven plans for PHC.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-53
Author(s):  
Krystyna Wojtczak

The article considers the legal status of the voivode during the interwar period, the time of the difficult restoration of the Polish identity and the creation of the Polish state in the post-Partition lands with three separate systems of territorial division and local administration. The legal situation of the office of the voivode is closely related to the establishment of the systemic foundations of the highest Polish authorities (legislative and executive) and local administration (initially, on the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland and then on the gradually annexed former Polish territories). The author refers to both spheres of legal activity of the Polish state at that time. She discusses the primary political acts, i.e. the March Constitution (1921), the April Constitution (1935) and the Constitutional Act (1926), as well as regulations concerning county administrative authorities of the first instance, situated in the then two-tier (ministries – county offices) administrative apparatus. Attention is primarily focused on the acts directly concerning the position of the voivode, i.e. the Act of 2 August 1919, the Regulation of the President of the Republic of 19 January 1928, and executive acts issued on the basis of these, and against whose background the importance of the legal institution of the voivode is presented: during the time of attempts to unify the administrative system (1918–1928), and in the period of changes leading to a uniform organisational structure of voivodship administrative authorities (1928–1939). The analysis makes it possible to state that successive legal conditions strengthened the political position of the voivode. In both periods covered by the analysis, the voivode was a representative of the government (with broader competences in 1928–1939), the executor of orders from individual ministers, the head of state and local government authorities and offices (1918–1928), the head of general administrative bodies subordinate to him, and the supervisory body over local government (1928–1939). The position of the voivode in the interwar period was unquestionably very strong.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Schmitt

By most measures, the United States is the most unequal of the world's advanced capitalist economies, and inequality has increased substantially over the past 30 years. This article documents trends in the inequality of three key economic distributions—hourly earnings, annual incomes, and net wealth—and relates these developments to changes in economic and social policy over the past three decades. The primary cause of high and rising inequality is the systematic erosion of the bargaining power of lower- and middle-income workers relative to their employers, reflected in the erosion of the real value of the minimum wage, the decline in unions, widescale deregulation of industries such as airlines and trucking, the privatization and outsourcing of many state and local government activities, increasing international competition, and periods of restrictive macroeconomic policy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 112-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei S. Markovits ◽  
Joseph Klaver

The Greens' impact on German politics and public life has been enormous and massively disproportional to the size of their electoral support and political presence in the country's legislative and executive bodies on the federal, state, and local levels. After substantiating the Greens' proliferating presence on all levels of German politics with numbers; the article focuses on demonstrating how the Greens' key values of ecology, peace and pacifism, feminism and women's rights, and grass roots democracy—the signifiers of their very identity—have come to shape the existence of all other German parties bar none. If imitation is one of the most defining characteristics of success, the Greens can be immensely proud of their tally over the past thirty plus years.


Government increasingly relies on nonprofit organizations to deliver public services, especially for human services. As such, human service nonprofits receive a substantial amount of revenue from government agencies via grants and contracts. Yet, times of crises result in greater demand for services, but often with fewer financial resources. As governments and nonprofits are tasked to do more with less, how does diversification within the government funding stream influence government-nonprofit funding relationships? More specifically, we ask: How do the number of different government partners and the type of government funder—federal, state, or local—influence whether nonprofits face alterations to government funding agreements? Drawing upon data from over 2,000 human service nonprofits in the United States, following the Great Recession, we find nonprofit organizations that only received funds from the federal government were less likely to experience funding alterations. This helps to illustrate the economic impact of the recession on state and local governments as well as the nonprofit organizations that partner with them.


Author(s):  
Howard G. Wilshire ◽  
Richard W. Hazlett ◽  
Jane E. Nielson

Along the Colorado Plateau’s high-standing Mogollon Rim in northern Arizona’s Coconino National Forest stands a small patch of big trees that matured well before Europeans came to North America. Massive ponderosa pines, and even pinyon pines and western junipers, tower above the forest floor, shutting out all but the most shade-tolerant competitors. Few places like this one still exist anywhere in the United States, even on national forest lands. A tourist hoping to see all the diversity that earliest European arrivals found commonplace in the western landscape must seek out a wide scattering of isolated enclaves across the region. Western forests no longer contain the grand glades and lush thickets that our forerunners encountered because most woodlands, especially those owned by the public, largely serve a wide variety of human purposes, as campsites or home sites, board-feet of lumber, potential jobs, recreational playgrounds, and even temples of the spirit. We also rely on forests to maintain habitat for endangered species and seed banks for restoring depleted biodiversity—and to provide us with clean air and water, stable hillside soils, and flood control in wet years. Forests must perform these roles while being consumed, fragmented by roads, and heavily eroded. But there is no guarantee that these most beloved and iconic of natural resources can sustain such a burden. Federal, state, and local government agencies oversee and regulate western U.S. forest lands and their uses, trying to manage the complex and only partly understood biological interactions of forest ecology to serve public needs. But after nine decades of variable goals, and five decades of encroaching development, western woodlands are far from healthy. Urban pollution and exotic tree diseases, some brought by humans, are killing pines, firs, and oaks. Loggers have more than decimated the oldest mountainside forests—most valuable for habitat and lumber alike—with clearcutting practices that induce severe soil erosion. Illegal clearings for marijuana farms are increasing.


1977 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Lalit Gadhia ◽  
Jack J. Tawil

This paper reviews the performance of the Surety Bond Guarantee Program of the Small Business Administration in terms of its impact on small and minority contractors, Federal, state and local government construction costs, employment, and the cost to the taxpayer. With a formalized model, it identifies conditions under which sureties have an incentive to use the program to bond conventionally bondable contractors, and demonstrates how SBA can alter variables within its control to remove these conditions, taking into account the trade-off between discouraging bondable and encouraging unbondable contractors’ participation in the program.


Author(s):  
Laura Thaut Vinson

This chapter explores the problem of rising pastoralist–farmer and ethnic (religious and tribal) violence in the pluralistic Middle Belt region of Nigeria over the past thirty to forty years. In particular, it highlights the underlying issues and conflicts associated with these different categories of communal intergroup violence, the human and material costs of such conflict, and the broader implications for the Nigerian state. The federal government, states, local governments. and communities have not been passive in addressing the considerable challenges associated with preventing and resolving such conflicts. It is clear, however, that they face significant hurdles in resolving the underlying grievances and drivers of conflict, and their efforts have not always furthered the cause of conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Greater attention to patterns of inclusion and exclusion and to the allocation of rights and resources will be necessary, particularly at the state and local government levels, to create a more stable and peaceful Middle Belt.


Author(s):  
Aristotle Jacob ◽  
◽  
Wakama Ateduobie ◽  
◽  

This study examine how covid-19 has induced social changes and criminality in Nigeria as a result of economic lockdown, restriction on inter-state movement, closure of international borders, restriction of religious worship, restrictions on all forms of marital rites, ban on all burial and funeral activities, suspension of all educational activities, and social interactions replaced by social distancing. Due to this alteration of the normal human life, and since survival is key, hence the issue of criminality. This paper examined cases of criminality in the country during lockdown, government interventions to mitigate the increase in criminality as a result of the pandemic, implication of covid-19 on fashion, determinant, forms and resistance to social change. The paper is qualitative in nature and relied principally on secondary data to achieved the scope of the study, these includes publications sourced from text books, bulletins, journals, government documents, newspapers and internet. The conflict and conspiracy theory of social change was adopted as the theoretical framework for the study. The findings in this study showed that the government with the aim to mitigate the spread of the pandemic in the country restricted the movement of its citizens with compulsory sit-at-home, thus affecting the normal life of its citizens, government intervention at the federal, state and local level is grossly inadequate to cushion the effect of the epidemic on the vulnerable citizens of the country, several structural factors helped triggered Nigeria’s current economic crises such as poor public health infrastructure, institutional corruption, weak and underdeveloped digital economy, lack of social welfare programme, leadership problem, over-dependent on oil sector of the economy, lack of saving culture and, high debt profile of Nigeria. The paper recommends that government should create an enabling environment to increase the standard of living of its citizens as poverty fuels criminality, the government should not politicalize the distribution of relief materials to victims in the face of emergencies, since the protection of the welfare and well-being of the people is the reason for governance, need for good governance and the rule of law, and government should improve capacity-building strategies for adequate security of life and property in Nigeria.


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