scholarly journals GENESIS OF COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA: A REVIEW OF EARLY TO PRESENT

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-195
Author(s):  
Rajkumar Singh ◽  
Chandra Singh Prakash

In the election of 17th Lok Sabha  held in mid-2019, the Indian political parties  tried hard to be a tie-up with each other against the present Modi-led NDA dispensation. In independent India, first, such attempt was made early in 1974 and started a new process of consolidation of opposition forces by the merger. In line, the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) was formed by the merger of seven political parties and in this process, the constituent units lost their identity in the BLD. At the time although Congress (O) and the Jana Sangh were ready to cooperate but refused to lose their existence. Their experiences of emergency proved a blessing for them and they came together and formed an alliance called Janata Party, to challenge the Congress leadership of the time. Likewise, as of today in 2018-19 the Bharatiya Janata Party is the country’s largest political party in terms of representation in the national parliament and state assemblies and all political parties of present-day India with Indian National Congress as forerunner with the help of regional party try a futile attempt first to challenge and then to defeat the BJP in various elections. Although with a great difference in the situation the motto of opposition parties has been one and only to give weighty protest to turn the events in their favour. This ups and downs of Indian politics may prove a path-breaking for other developing countries where political parties are struggling hard to gain power but did not succeed on account of causes best known to them.

Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 969-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kushner

How do political parties in developing countries, without access to accurate polling data, understand their voters? I examine the role that various sources of information play in political party platforms, and how the method of data collection affects parties’ policy and political efforts, primarily by using interview data from 2012 and 2013 with workers from four leading parties in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state. I theorize the role of party workers as a key conduit for information between party leaders and the voters they represent.


This paper is all about the political modernization of the developing world. The political party, Bureaucrats, Law enforcement forces have been a source of political modernization in the traditional as well as transitional democracies. But the primary duty of the political party serves as the main tool of running the state. Bureaucrats implemented the policy of government and Law enforcement force established the rule of law. Political parties, Bureaucrats, and Law enforcement forces are closely involved in bringing political modernization. Unfortunately, it is impossible to ensure political modernization without any one agent. The first part of this article is an attempt to discuss on meaning and conditions of political modernization. The second part of this study explained serious stumbling blocks in the implementation of political modernization in developing countries. The final part of the study highlights the prospects of political modernization based on different agencies like Political parties, Bureaucrats, and Law enforcement forces and makes a concluding remark on the overall concept.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 264-295
Author(s):  
Shashikanta Tarai ◽  
Arindam Bit ◽  
Roopak Kumar ◽  
Anbu Savekar

Abstract The response time and accuracy of processing verbal and nonverbal stimuli may predict the desired outcome of an event. Few studies have examined the psycholinguistic evidence of the speed-accuracy trade-off in the processing of political information to predict the outcome of an election. Therefore, we analysed the perceptual time and accuracy of two major political party names: the Indian National Congress (INC) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and their respective symbols before the Indian election 2019. Our results demonstrated that the pre-election perceptual accuracy to party symbol and name was positively linear to the index of high proportional vote share of the winning party, BJP. The high response accuracy and time for the BJP name correlated with voters’ familiarity of it, thereby establishing a link between response results and parties’ vote shares.


Author(s):  
Rizwana Shamshad

The chapter on parliamentary debates analyses the continuing debates about Bangladeshis that took place in the national parliament of India and how their presence was viewed and debated by different sectarian and secular regional and national political parties’ representatives. The Lok Sabha debate texts from 1971 to 2011 have been analysed in this chapter. It discusses the debates on Bangladeshi migrants before, during and after the previous NDA regime. The parliamentary debate provides a window to the readers through which it is possible to obtain a picture of what has been going on over the years in the main arena of Indian politics. It also gives a sense of the lively debates conducted by Indian politicians on the issue of Bangladeshi migration into India, the opponents and their allegations and the proponents who defended and sympathised with the migrants.


Author(s):  
Adams Oloo

The chapter addresses the weaknesses of political parties in Kenya, which include structural constraints; institutional fragilities; legal hurdles; the nature of society; and, in the case of opposition parties, insubordination to the state machinery. Despite the foregoing challenges, the chapter demonstrates how the country has held regular and periodic elections since Independence under various party systems—something that stands as a testimony to a rich political party history. On this basis, the chapter concludes by asserting that, despite the numerous weaknesses of Kenyan parties, there exist several opportunities for political party development, especially under the 2010 Constitution. Such opportunities include an improved regulatory framework, the institutionalization of political parties, greater access to human and financial resources, and stronger party ownership by ordinary citizens and members.


Subject Sudan’s ruling party, its capabilities and political implications. Significance President Omar al-Bashir has been in power for 27 years, supported by the National Congress Party (NCP) and its predecessor, the National Islamic Front (NIF). Following the completion last year of a 'national dialogue', the government is ostensibly due to form a new cabinet this year. While some breakaway or new political parties cooperate with the NCP, the core Sudanese opposition parties -- long-standing and newer ones -- continue to oppose the government; some boycotted the national dialogue. Impacts The national security apparatus will maintain tight controls on Sudanese activists and media. The government will look to Arab allies for further budgetary assistance. New anti-government protests and strikes remain a risk.


1961 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Hoeber Rudolph

Several hours before his assassination in 1948, Mahatma Gandhi submitted his proposal for revisions in the party constitution of the Indian National Congress. He suggested that the Congress dissolve, since partisanship appeared to him wrong, and convert itself into a Lok Sevak Sangh, an apolitical people's service association. The Congress did not in the event obey the testament, but no one thought the proposal funny or outrageous. More recently, a General Secretary of the Congress reiterated the non-partisan point of view underlying this proposal when he questioned whether the role of an opposition party was meaningful in India, and when he supported the idea of “a common national programme acceptable to all political parties, on the basis of which the administration of the country could be carried on.” “The Panchayat system in India,” the Secretary said, “was essentially based on this very principle of synthesis rather than antithesis. Economically underdeveloped countries like ours can hardly afford the luxury of opposition only for the sake of opposition.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lincy Pendeverana ◽  
Gordon Nanau

Independent MPs have always determined formation of government in Solomon Islands. In an effort to limit the critical influence of independent MPs in forming governments, which has been a problem after almost all elections since 1974, the National Parliament of Solomon Islands debated and passed the Political Parties Integrity Act (PPIA) in 2014. The PPIA promises to limit the influence of independent MPs and prescribes how political parties are to be administered. It is also intended to establish fairer gender representation in Parliament. We noted with interest that most MPs who debated and passed the PPIA went on and contested as independent candidates. In this paper, we look at the 2014 and 2019 election results to assess the impacts, effectiveness, and weaknesses of the PPIA. We also explain why it may have failed, and highlight factors that determine voter behaviour, election outcomes, and government formation in the country. Lessons learnt from the loopholes and weaknesses of the PPIA and electoral politics more generally are then used to suggest ways forward for political party development, inclusiveness, integrity, and stability in Solomon Islands.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.


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