1974 – The transformation of “Cyprus dispute”

Lyuboslovie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 118-133
Author(s):  
Petya Pavlova ◽  

One of the most crucial years in the dispute over the island of Cyprus is 1974. On July 15, the Cypriot army staged a military coup in the country, actively supported by Greece's ruling military junta. These actions еnable the Republic of Turkey, being one of the countries-guarantees to the Zurich-London Agreement, to undertake a military offensive to the island of Cyprus on the pretext that it should maintain the status quo. As a result only a few days later, the Turkish army occupies 36,2 % of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus and never left the island. Thousands of the citizens of Cyprus lost their relatives and loved ones, their livelihoods and homes, as Turkey acquired yet another advantage over the Cypriot Greeks and Greece on the so called „Cyprus dispute“.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-116
Author(s):  
Sotiroula Liasidou

Abstract The aim of the paper is to identify the stance of tourism industry practitioners in the Republic of Cyprus in the case of reunification. Since 1974 and the Turkish invasion, one third of the island’s territory has remained under an illegal occupation. Discussing Cyprus’ political problem and the potential of reunification in relation to the tourism industry is a new concept in nature. The tourism industry will be the vehicle for further economic development. So, it is imperative to understand the opinions of tourism stakeholders and decision makers who will potentially be involved in the development of tourism in the reunited island. In order to identify the consequences of the status quo on the Republic, the views of 26 powerful elite people, both in the public and private sectors of the country, were collected through a qualitative data inquiry using semi-structured interviews. The results of the study suggest that the inability to come up with a viable solution has many negative consequences on the tourism industry of the island. The results of the study suggest that a possible reunification will render Cyprus as an innovative tourism destination.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-292
Author(s):  
Eiki Berg ◽  
Raul Toomla

Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities — Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots — see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually for status quo and not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuula Sakaranaho ◽  
Tuomas Martikainen

The questions of how western European states have related, and should relate, to their Muslim populations have in recent decades generated a rapidly growing body of research, aimed at answering the above questions from different theoretical perspectives. It has been argued that the main problem with the existing theories is their failure to take into account historically evolved church–state relations that have a bearing on the way that Muslim religious practices are accommodated in a given country. In order to test this argument, we will examine the representational structures of Muslims in Finland and the Republic of Ireland as well as questions pertaining to Islam and education. Even if under different legal arrangements of church–state relations, both Finland and Ireland have opted for a policy where they aim at securing the status quo of a dominant national church while also extending some of the legal privileges enjoyed by the mainstream church to religious minorities. What we will demonstrate in our article is that while this kind of “policy of extended privileges” can work for, it can also function against securing the rights of religious minorities such as Muslims.


Author(s):  
Nina Macaraig

This chapter describes how the hamam began to show signs of aging. This included a redefinition of its economic family relations, as it became a burden to the endowment and was rented out according to a practice that approximated the status of renters to that of owners. Furthermore, old age now meant that after a disastrous fire in 1865 novel city planning practices assigned less value to the sixteenth-century structure and allowed the monument to be mutilated for the sake of building a European-style boulevard wide enough for tramway traffic. At the same time, the hamam took on a new identity as an emblem of Ottoman cultural heritage to be displayed at nineteenth-century world fairs and exhibitions which required each nation to represent itself by easily recognizable architectural icons. With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, this split identity continued: on the one hand, hamams constituted an old, redundant institution standing for the Ottoman Empire and lifestyle, resulting in neglect and destruction; on the other hand, they were part of the cultural heritage that every nation-state needs to legitimise itself. Nevertheless, the Çemberlitaş Hamamı managed to survive for practical reasons, as it still provided hygiene and entertainment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Dani Fadillah

This paper is aim to describe how a hashtag appearing in the dynamics of communication on social media is capable of creating a very massive mass movement in the real world. As well as troublesome rulers and authorities to set it up Because it considered a political charge that is in the hashtag could potentially provide a surge of turmoil that is great for the holder of the status quo of the political power of the homeland. By the election of the President of the Republic of Indonesia 2019 was presented with a viral hashtag on social media, the hashtags that were first administered twitted by prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) politician Mardani Ali Sera, raised the spirit of the masses The number is not minimal not to elect the general election which took place in April 2019. Even until the polls have done, the hashtag still has strong political magic to unite the opposition forces because the reunited was elected to become President of the Republic of Indonesia until 2022. This paper contains the results of qualitative research by making the idea of Jean Baudrillad about Simulacra, simulation, and artificial Phenomenon as his analysis knife. Here the author collects various literary sources in the different news media coverage of the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden then conduct a study of the messages that have a variety of information given to the hashtag Using the turbulent analytical knife of Jean Baudrillad above. Finally, the conclusion of this paper is necessary to fight massive efforts to resist the enormous surge of hashtags #2019GantiPresiden in the homeland in a variety of ways so that the focus is not more significant and to discuss the interests of Political authorities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-285
Author(s):  
Mariam Ashotovna Dashyan ◽  
Andrey A. Kudelin

This article is an overview of the state stance and attitude towards minorities throughout history of the republic of Turkey. It represents the official approach of the republic towards ethnic and religious groups. Though due to actions of the Ottoman Empire, the number of non-Turks in the republic of Turkey already was incomparably small, however their existence could not be ignored. Still Turkey recognizes only three minorities (Greeks, Armenians, and Jews) and for decades adopted the strategy of regarding all minority persons other than Greeks, Armenians, and Jews as Turks. Ethnic variety was considered a threat to territorial integrity of Turkey. Every action was directed to create a unitary nation-state suppressing ethnic identities of non-Turks. In this article state policy towards ethnic groups in the republic of Turkey is examined from the perspective of the Lausanne Treaty provisions and legislative regulations regarding the status and rights of minorities showing to what extent authorities have followed them and rising the controversial points minority representatives face in exercising their rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Dalma Nemeskéri ◽  
Iván Zádori

After the de facto separation of China in 1949, the international community was divided on the issue which government represents the Chinese nation as a whole. Until the 1970s the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan maintained its seat in the UN, and formal ties to a significant number of countries. However, by the end of this decade, in 1980, Taipei government was left with merely 22 diplomatic allies. Our article focuses on the position of Taiwan after this shift, examining the regime’s perception of the effects of recognition and derecognition. As the Taipei government has put significant efforts into the preservation (and expansion) of diplomatic relations with states that are not considered globally influential, we examined what possible effects and consequences these ties can have on the international legal status of the entity. It has to be noted that for this purpose, only the official relations, and diplomatic allies of the ROC were considered. After describing the diplomatic activities of Taiwan, and the shifts in the number of its diplomatic allies (between 1988–2020), we found three main areas which are positively affected by these ties. They provide basis for the regime’s claim to sovereignty and statehood, and they enhance Taiwanese presence in international institutions (and indicate the unresolved nature of the entity’s international legal status). Most importantly, they help to maintain the international nature of the cross-strait conflict and contribute to preserve the status quo.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Larisa Noroc ◽  
Alexandru Noroc

The article discusses the issue of frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space. According to the author, conflicts are a product of the disintegration of the USSR, the declaration of the independence of the former union republics and the adoption of the direction of foreign policies for European integration. In most cases, the conflicts are artificial, because the ex-Soviet space is considered the sphere of interest of the Russian Federation, and the secessionist regions are interested in maintaining subordination to Moscow. Failure to resolve conflicts leads to the consolidation of the status quo in the territories. Resolving the Transnistrian conflict, but also other conflicts in the ex-Soviet space requires the internationalization of the process by actively attracting G-7 states, UN structures, the EU and the internationalization of peacekeeping missions. An important requirement for the Republic of Moldova is the change of the political class, which will want to solve the problem of territorial integrity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-148
Author(s):  
Mehmet Direkli

A new leading actor has been added to the Cyprus Conflict. The winner of the Presidential elections held on the morning of Sunday, 26 April 2015, in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti – TRNC) was the independent candidate Mustafa Akıncı. Both Nicos Anastasiades, who was elected President of the Republic of Cyprus in 2013, and Akıncı are rare leaders supporting the Fifth Annan Plan, which was rejected in a referendum by the Greek Cypriots in 2004. One of the most vital catalysts that could play a role in the resolution of the Cyprus Conflict is a charismatic leader who aims for the resolution of the conflict. Whether the current Presidents have this personality and can change the current balances that are monopolized by the conservatives-nationalists on the Island will be revealed as a result of the negotiations. This article briefly tackles the UN parameters relative to the Cyprus Conflict and addresses the problems awaiting Presidents Anastasiades and Akıncı during the peace negotiations that have started anew.


Author(s):  
Yа. Kushnir

The author of the article makes a comparative legal description of Ukrainian temporarily occupied territories’ legal status through the prism of the international experience that the Republic of Cyprus and Georgia had. Normalization of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine is a priority of the national legislator. However, the question is how effective this direction is. Scientific research is being held to find the answer to this question. It is carried out due to identifying common and distinctive features of the law enforcement practice of the Republic of Cyprus, as one of the longest and most successful examples of counteracting the temporary occupation. The absence of a legal definition of the status of the temporarily occupied territories of Cyprus is established within the framework of national legislation. Moreover, the demarcation line is characterized and the order of crossing the demarcation line is established. Common and distinctive features of normalization of this array of public relations are determined. In disclosing the results of this part of the study, the author establishes an approach to the definition and consolidation of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine concerning specific values that are defined by national and international law. Further explorations of the study are conducted taking into account the practice of Georgia, a country whose practice was taken into account directly in the development of national regulators of the status of the temporarily occupied territory. In the course of the research, the author reveals the reasons why the temporarily occupied territories appeared and their consequences for Georgians. The normative basis for settling this issue is singled out, the impossibility of the order of entry / exit to/from the temporarily occupied territory, the responsibility for violating the order of crossing the demarcation line is substantiated. Particular attention is paid to the common features of the definition of the temporarily occupied territories of both states, and the distinctive features of further regulation.


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