scholarly journals Războiul de pe Nistru versus conflictele înghețate din spațiul post-sovietic / The war on the Dniester versus the frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Larisa Noroc ◽  
Alexandru Noroc

The article discusses the issue of frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space. According to the author, conflicts are a product of the disintegration of the USSR, the declaration of the independence of the former union republics and the adoption of the direction of foreign policies for European integration. In most cases, the conflicts are artificial, because the ex-Soviet space is considered the sphere of interest of the Russian Federation, and the secessionist regions are interested in maintaining subordination to Moscow. Failure to resolve conflicts leads to the consolidation of the status quo in the territories. Resolving the Transnistrian conflict, but also other conflicts in the ex-Soviet space requires the internationalization of the process by actively attracting G-7 states, UN structures, the EU and the internationalization of peacekeeping missions. An important requirement for the Republic of Moldova is the change of the political class, which will want to solve the problem of territorial integrity.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 92-103
Author(s):  
Rustem KADYRZHANOV ◽  
Zhannat MAKASHEVA ◽  
Zhyldyz AMREBAYEVA ◽  
Aidar AMREBAYEV

The article examines the problem of sovereignty of the Republic of Kazakhstan through the prism of Kazakh-Russian interstate relations. The key conclusions made by the authors are that, first of all, Kazakh-Russian relations are based on the post-Soviet model and the concept of the sovereignty of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which retains significant elements of the Soviet constitutional model of relations between the Union center and the republics; secondly, as part of this sovereignty model, the Republic of Kazakhstan has to make concessions in the economic, financial and other forms of sovereignty. However, the Republic of Kazakhstan makes no concessions in matters of territorial integrity and other fundamental aspects of its sovereignty. Thirdly, it was easier for the Republic of Kazakhstan to maintain the image of the Russian Federation as a strategic partner between 1991 and the mid-2000s, but since that time, the Russian Federation has been pursuing an openly neo-imperial policy in the post-Soviet space, thus, the increasing securitization of the relations with the Russian Federation requires great efforts from the Republic of Kazakhstan to protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 193-232
Author(s):  
Andrei Suzdaltsev

The article is devoted to comparing the policies of the Belarusian leadership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Union State of Belarus and Russia. The author notes that at present the official Minsk considers the acquisition of integration preferences and subsidies and obtaining privileged access to the resources and markets of Russia and Kazakhstan as its main goal in economic integration projects in the post-Soviet space. At the same time, the Belarusian leadership is striving to slow down the process of connecting the economies of the countries participating in Eurasian integration. It is shown that since 2010 the Republic of Belarus has effectively used its participation in two integration projects that complement each other in the field of economic integration. Periodically, Minsk used the EAEU as an additional platform for dialogue with Moscow to receive Russian subsidies. At the same time, using the disagreements between the EAEU member states, President of the Republic of Belarus A. Lukashenko has repeatedly tried to resolve issues arising in the framework of Eurasian integration in his favor. The creation of temporary coalitions by Belarus with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia helped to block Russia’s proposal to introduce a single EAEU currency in 2014-2015. Currently, official Minsk expects to keep the EAEU in the format of a sponsor of the Belarusian economy, but is still not ready to deepen integration within the framework of the Eurasian integration project. The Belarusian leadership expects that the policy of balancing between the EAEU and the Union State will allow the republic to continue to receive and increase resource and financial support from the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-647
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Pankevich

The article analyzes the intergation processes in the post-Soviet space and shows that their direction is determined by the competition of states in a specific organizational field of political values. The effectiveness of the governments in this field depends directly on their ability to switch between the political values of the country and universal aggregations. This ability is becoming a key attribute of the empirical sovereignty of the state today. It is shown that in the conditions of asymmetric integration into the EU space in post-socialist countries and insufficient integration in the former Soviet republics, the accomplishment of this function requires specific institutional adaptations: differentiation between buffer mechanisms responsible for communication with external value systems, and the core that holds the deep value complexes of the community. The stability of the organizational bundle of state sovereignty and identity, the specifics of its functionaries in the post-Soviet space are described as giving the Russian Federation an opportunity of value action, focused on the population of post-Soviet and post-socialist countries and bypassing communications with pro-European-oriented and subordinated power apparatuses.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 29-39
Author(s):  
R.R. Gimatdinov ◽  

Ways to develop institutions for support and coordination the international cooperation of Russian regions are studied. It has been established that competences of the Russian Federation constituent entities in the field of external relations are most fully delivered in the post-Soviet space. It is concluded that regions can develop new practices of cross-border interaction in the process of interstate integration in the Eurasian space.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

This chapter introduces a benchmark theory of public opinion towards European integration. Rather than relying on generic labels like support or scepticism, the chapter suggests that public opinion towards the EU is both multidimensional and multilevel in nature. People’s attitudes towards Europe are essentially based on a comparison between the benefits of the status quo of membership and those associated with an alternative state, namely one’s country being outside the EU. This comparison is coined the ‘EU differential’. When comparing these benefits, people rely on both their evaluations of the outcomes (policy evaluations) and the system that produces them (regime evaluations). This chapter presents a fine-grained conceptualization of what it means to be an EU supporter or Eurosceptic; it also designs a careful empirical measurement strategy to capture variation, both cross-nationally and over time. The chapter cross-validates these measures against a variety of existing and newly developed data sources.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaia Balp

This article outlines potential pros and cons of a future European regulation of proxy advisory firms, as set forth in the Commission’s Proposal for a Directive amending Directive 2007/36/EC. After summarizing criticisms concerning the proxy advisory industry, and findings regarding its de facto influence on investors’ voting conduct both in the US and in the European context, the article adverts to why the power of proxy advisors appears to be overestimated. Uncertainty on the status quo of the industry’s actual impact on key decisions in listed companies, as well as costs associated with a regulation, need to be considered for assessing the suitability of the rules drafted to ensure adequate levels of independence and quality of voting recommendations. While transparency rules may be preferred to stricter legal constraints or requirements in a first stage, possible shortcomings of the Draft Directive exist that may undermine its effectiveness. Analyzing the amendments to the Proposal adopted by the European Parliament, and the Council’s Presidency compromise text, may suggest a preferable approach as regards single rules still making their way through the European legislative process.


Author(s):  
S. Romanchuk

The article is dedicated to the history of conflicts, comparing of methods of prevention of armed conflicts and evaluating of armed intervention. Analyzing methods of peace building with the help of peacekeeping operations based on practical operations, legal and regulatory framework. The author analyzes some of peacekeeping missions with the specifics of each region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-270
Author(s):  
Igor Olegovich Trubitszyn

The author made an attempt to study the role of the descendants of the nobility in the new socio-economic and political realities of Russia at the end of the XX - first decades of the XXI century. The author focuses on the processes of recreation and subsequent activities of noble societies. The basis of the source base was a series of interviews with the descendants of the nobility living in the territory of the Russian Federation and in the countries of the post-Soviet space. The research identified the stages of development of the noble organizations, the main aspects of their activities. A comparative analysis was carried out with the pre-revolutionary noble corporate organization, which made it possible to characterize the main ideals of this social group and to make a comparative analysis with the value system of the class of the pre-revolutionary period. The range of problems faced by noble societies in modern Russia is highlighted. The results of the study can be used to comprehensively characterize the activities of corporations of the nobility in Russia, as well as the activities of the descendants of the nobility in the modern world.


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