scholarly journals The plight of China’s journalism education - From the perspective of the sociology of education

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 675-683
Author(s):  
Li Hao

China’s journalism education has been changing all the time to meet new demands brought by the political and economic reforms over the last two decades in the 21st century. However, the covert wars between ideology and practice, between classrooms and newsrooms have caused the “split personality” and general confusion among China’s journalism educators and students. Several educational and practical problems thus arise as a result of the tug-of-war between economic and ideological demands. The problems of China’s journalism education are not only from its complex social and economic environments, but also from its weight of history and culture. Although both journalism educators and some media organizations in China are making great effort to heighten awareness of problems and actively attempting to take remedial measures, the transition from the classroom to the newsroom is made more difficult by the complicatedness of the business operation of schools and media organizations, and the systematicity of journalism education remains problematic.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Druckman ◽  
Samara Klar ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
John B. Ryan

Affective polarization is a defining feature of 21st century American politics—partisans harbor considerable dislike and distrust of those from the other party. Does this animus have consequences for citizens’ opinions? Such effects would highlight not only the consequences of polarization, but also shed new light onto how citizens form preferences more generally. Normally, this question is intractable, but the outbreak of the novel coronavirus allows us to answer it. We find that affective polarization powerfully shapes citizens’ attitudes about the pandemic, as well as the actions they have taken in response to it. However, these effects are conditional on the local severity of the outbreak, as the effects decline in areas with high caseloads—threat vitiates partisan reasoning. Our results clarify that closing the divide on important issues requires not just policy discourse but also attempts to reduce inter-partisan hostility.


Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210


Author(s):  
Adrastos Omissi

This chapter begins by considering what made the late Roman state distinctive from the early Empire, exploring the political developments of the later third century, in particular the military, administrative, and economic reforms undertaken by the tetrarchs. It then explores the presentation of the war between the tetrarchy and the British Empire of Carausius and Allectus (286‒96), taking as its core sources Pan. Lat. X, XI, and VIII. These speeches are unique in the panegyrical corpus, in that two of them (X and XI) were delivered while the usurpation they describe was still under way, the third (VIII) after it was defeated. In this chapter, we see how the British Empire was ‘othered’ as piratical and barbarian, and how conflict with it helped to create the distinctive ideology of the tetrarchy.


Author(s):  
Maidul Islam

Close to the turn of the century and almost 45 years after Independence, India opened its doors to free-market liberalization. Although meant as the promise to a better economic tomorrow, three decades later, many feel betrayed by the economic changes ushered in by this new financial era. Here is a book that probes whether India’s economic reforms have aided the development of Indian Muslims who have historically been denied the fruits of economic development. Maidul Islam points out that in current political discourse, the ‘Muslim question’ in India is not articulated in terms of demands for equity. Instead, the political leadership camouflages real issues of backwardness, prejudice, and social exclusion with the rhetoric of identity and security. Historically informed, empirically grounded, and with robust analytical rigour, the book tries to explore connections between multiple forms of Muslim marginalization, the socio-economic realities facing the community, and the formation of modern Muslim identity in the country. At a time when post-liberalization economic policies have created economic inequality and joblessness for significant sections of the population including Muslims, the book proposes working towards a radical democratic deepening in India.


1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 97-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Danielson

AbstractThis paper briefly discusses the economic reforms that have taken place in Jamaica for the past 15 years and argues that the reforms, at least so far, are mixed, particularly with regard to the elimination of poverty. The basic problems are (1) a slow response of exports to large, frequent adjustments in the exchange rate, which prohibits low-wage labor, in the informal sector, from being absorbed into the formal sector; and (2) the large budget deficit, with the associated demands for large cuts in expenditures, which primarily affects the rural poor. It is suggested that the principal reason that reforms have been slow is because of the political price to be paid for unpopular measures in a competitive democracy


1982 ◽  
Vol 164 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madeleine Arnot

The ways in which male hegemony in education has and has not been addressed in educational research concerning women and girls in schools are considered. Two bodies of research in the British sociology of education — the cultural tradition and the political economy tradition — are discussed in terms of the ways in which they address the question of gender. The radical theories of social and cultural reproduction of class structure are then considered. It is argued that it is necessary to include a consideration of gender reproduction in any theory of class reproduction, whether the perspective is from a social or a cultural model. A theory of the production of gender differences inside and outside the schools is contrasted with prevailing reproduction theories. The paper concludes with a call for further research in the field of women's education that will both recognize the existence of class and male hegemony in the schools and will at the same time acknowledge that the constant need to reimpose hegemony entails both struggle and the possibility for change.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Ryan

Something intriguing is going on within the political executive. In response to emerging conditions of governing in the late 20th and early 21st century in countries like New Zealand, some public servants are acting in new ways that are quite different from certain key prescriptions of the traditional, Westminster-derived constitutional framework on which our polity is based. This paper identifies some of these changes and considers their implications.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
Nicoletta Varani ◽  
Enrico Bernardini

Abstract Tourism remains a very vulnerable sector and sensitive to both internal and external impacts, such as economic and social crises, natural disasters, epidemics and diseases, national and international conflicts. Among these, the most alarming threat in the 21st century remains terrorism. In this sense, this paper aims to study the effects of the increasingly frequent terrorist attacks by the extremist factions of Al-Qaeda and ISIL on the tourism industry in the Mediterranean Region. The contribution, after having discussed in general the tourism market in the Mediterranean Region, intends to highlight the impacts and repercussions of the terrorist attacks on tourism, presenting the example of Egypt and one of its best-known tourist destinations, Sharm el-Sheikh. In this sense, it is shown how, in a few years, the political instability of the country and the attacks of 2005 and 2016 have significantly reduced the influx of tourists, transforming it from one of the most visited destinations in the world in a place of increasing abandonment.


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