scholarly journals The Ideological Orientations of Canadian University Professors

1969 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Reza Nakhaie ◽  
Robert J. Brym
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Analyses ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Professors ◽  
Considerable Heterogeneity ◽  
The North ◽  
Self Selection ◽  
Selection Processes ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Political Spectrum

This paper analyzes the ideological orientations of Canadian university professors based on a unique 2000 study of a representative sample of Canadian academics (n=3,318). After summarizing methodological problems with extant research on this subject, and tentatively comparing the political views of Canadian and American academics, the paper demonstrates that Canadian academics fall to the left of the political spectrum but are not hugely different in this respect from the Canadian university-educated population. Multivariate analyses reveal considerable heterogeneity in the ideological views of Canadian professors, suggesting that contemporary characterizations of the North American professoriate as left- or right-leaning tend to be overdrawn. Multivariate analyses demonstrate the importance of disadvantaged status and disciplinary socialization in shaping professors’ ideological views, although self-selection processes are not discounted.  

The Political Views of Richard Caswell and the Founding of the New Nation

2019 ◽  
pp. 159-177
Author(s):  
Lloyd Johnson
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
School System ◽  
The Political ◽  
State University ◽  
Continental Congress ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
New Nation ◽  
Political Success

Richard Caswell was the first and fifth governor of North Carolina, a member of the Continental Congress, and the co-author of the North Carolina constitution of 1776. Caswell’s political success owed much to his role as a leader of North Carolina forces at the Battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge, one of the first American victories in the southern phase of the American Revolution. The American defeat at the Battle of Camden in 1780, where Caswell was a militia commander, tarnished his reputation only slightly. Citing ill health, he declined an appointment to serve in the federal Constitutional Convention, although he supported strengthening the national government. Caswell might best be described as a popular conservative who often supported reform, including the creation of a public school system and a state university.

A model of preferences evolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 82-94
Author(s):  
K. A. Bukin ◽  
M. I. Levin
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
Relative Number ◽  
Initial Distribution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Stationary Mode ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Groups

The paper examines the evolution of individual political preferences under the influence of the parties and political groups of which they are members. Individual preferences are considered in terms of proximity to political doctrines of the political institutions in question. The change in political views can be considered as a combination of a steady trend with the imposition of random change, and in this sense it is similar to mutations in biology. The paper shows that stationary distributions of individuals on the political spectrum scale are defined by their utility functions and initial numbers. While the initial distribution was generated by membership of the central party and two groups conventionally called “left” and “right”, the stationary distribution has the form of three narrow peaks, the maximums of which are at the points characterizing political doctrines on the political spectrum scale. In addition, it is shown that in the stationary mode, the relative number of members of the “center” party will increase as compared to the initial period, and vice versa, the total share of “left” and “right” will decrease.

scholarly journals ‟Rotalia” – Estonian corporation in St. Petersburg (1913–1918)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Dmitriy A Barinov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Education Student ◽  
Common Goal ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Or Methodology ◽  
Life Path ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Russian Empire

Relevance. At the end of 19th – beginning of 20th centuries there was a new rise in the national movement in the Russian Empire. The increase of number of organizations struggling for political independence and / or cultural identity was also echoed in higher education. Student national societies were created in large university cities. Despite their common goal (the struggle for national autonomy) they could hold differ-ent political views: from revolutionary to deemed “apolitical” i.e. conservative ones. A striking example of the latter was the Estonian corporation ‟Rotalia”. Method or methodology. To bridge the existing historiographic gap, we will resort to the historical and biographical method. Through the memories and life path of the most famous members of the corporation, the main stages of the organization's activities will be restored. Results. The method we have chosen made it possible to supplement the poor archival evidence of the organization's activities, expand the understanding of the customs, life and traditions of the Estonians in St. Petersburg. It also allowed to determine the place of ‟Rotalia” in the political spectrum of student self-organizations. Conclusions. The material we worked out allowed us to highlight in more detail the St. Petersburg / Petrograd period of the existence of ‟Rotalia” and at the same time to re-veal the political views of its participants. The leaders of this corporation adhered to conservative views and tried to stay away from active political life, being concentrated on educational activities and organizing mutual assistance. At the same time they con-sistently and consciously distanced themselves from the socialist Estonian societies.

Resistance, Negotiation and Development: The Roman Catholic Church in Vietnam, 1954–2010

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-323
Author(s):  
Thao Nguyen
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
North And South ◽  
The Church

This article discusses the efforts of the Roman Catholic Church in Vietnam to negotiate with the socialist government from 1954 to 2010. It analyses the different dynamics and approaches employed by the Church in the north and south of Vietnam to respond to political pressure. Viewed within a larger context, Rome during these decades played a significant role in shaping the political views of the Vietnamese hierarchy as well as inspiring them to make important choices in the midst of tension and conflict. The article argues that though caught in a complex social and political situation, the Church in Vietnam has continued to thrive and managed gradually to exert its place in Vietnamese society.

Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Right

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Exploring the Diversity of Religion

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Arkotong Longkumer
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alternative Route ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
The North

This article considers the importance of “religion” and “identity” in the process of fieldwork in the North Cachar Hills, Assam, India. The political sensitivities in the region provided a difficult context in which to do fieldwork. This is chiefly because of the various armed insurrections, which have arisen as a consequence of the complicated remnants of British colonialism (1834–1947), and the subsequent post-independence challenge of nation building in India. This article raises important methodological questions concerning fieldwork and the relational grounding of the fieldworker relative to the inside/outside positions. It reflects on these issues by discussing the Heraka, a Zeme Naga religious movement. Their ambiguity and “in-between” character accommodates both the “neo-Hindu” version of a nation or Hindutva (Hinduness) and the larger Naga (primarily Christian) assertion of their own cultural and religious autonomy. The Heraka provides an alternative route into ideas of nationhood, religious belonging and cultural identity.

V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

Political orientation and moral foundations

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 365-371
Author(s):  
J Dorasamy ◽  
Mr Jirushlan Dorasamy
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
North America ◽  
American Studies ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Open Approach ◽  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
Moral Foundation ◽  
The North

Studies, especially in the North America, have shown a relationship between political orientation and moralfoundation. This study investigated whether moral judgements differ from the political orientation of participantsin South Africa moral judgment and the extent to which moral foundations are influenced by politicalorientation.Further, the study investigated the possibility of similar patterns with the North AmericanConservative-Liberal spectrum and the moral foundation. There were 300participants, 78 males and 222 females,who completed an online questionnaire relating to moral foundation and political orientation. The results partiallysupported the hypothesis relating to Liberal and Conservative orientation in South Africa. Further, this studypartially predicted the Liberal-Conservative orientation with patterns in the moral foundation, whilst showingsimilar findings to the North American studies. A growing rate of a neutral/moderate society is evidenced in SouthAfrica and abroad, thereby showing the emergence of a more open approach to both a political and generalstance.”””

G. Lukács, “Techeniye” and Stalinism

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Vladimir Y. Bystrov ◽  
Vladimir M. Kamnev
Keyword(s):  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Criticism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Over Time

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.

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