scholarly journals UNDERSTANDING PAK-CHINA RELATIONS THROUGH CPEC: GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS FOR SOUTH ASIA

Author(s):  
Iftikhar Ali ◽  
Imran Ali Noonari ◽  
Pervaiz Ali Mahesar

In the prevailing geopolitical environment, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the new addition with hopes of exploring new horizons in economic cooperation and expected to have regional and global geopolitical implications. Strategic thinkers, policy-makers, and scholars have heralded CPEC as a magnificent trade and investment project of future geopolitics. Yet many analysts have raised their eyebrows about the USA and Chinese competition ultimately seeking robust security and economic strategy by China and Pakistan to avoid Indo-US designs. The objective of this study is to focus on the all-weather relationship, which China and Pakistan are enjoying with shared goals and interests in the region. This article focuses on the China and Pakistan relations while keeping in mind the emerging strategic partnership of the United States with Pakistan’s belligerent neighbour India through a neo-realistic perspective focused on structure and anarchy in the international political system.

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

In the arena of international system, every state tries to maximize its own power for its self-survival. States are enhancing their power to increase their hegemony. That is why India and United States have led to a strategic partnership due to mutual interests in global politics such as promoting democracy and fighting terrorism. After that, they extend their collaboration across the economy, technology and atomic energy. In the South Asian security environment, the United States of America (USA) and India have a strong bond of strategic partnership due to the power struggle between the regional powers. India and USA started nuclear deal on 2005 which was completed on 2006. Behind this deal, both states increase their influence in this region. India seeks lasting partnerships with USA to achieve its strategic ambitions. The partnership of nuclear agreement between the USA and India will gain long-term national interests. This research highlights complex present-day demonstration of demonic incidence which emerged after this relationship and its implications on Pakistan.


2018 ◽  
pp. 688-706
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Chekalenko

The article states that the world is marked by deep changes and unexpected tendencies in security, political, economic and social fields. European West, the leading position of which is questioned with increasing frequency, has to make significant adjustments to its own policies, to strengthen its role by applying new instruments of influence in order to adequately respond to rising challenges. All participants of the European integration association, including Poland, face a range of common problems, which they cannot solve by their own. This situation determined strategic objectives of Poland’s foreign policy one of which is the establishment of long-term and allied relations with the United States of America. With the collapse of the Warsaw military bloc, Poland has implemented two major vectors: the path to the NATO and EU membership. The author points out that the position of the USA and cooperation with Washington is currently important for Poland. Among the main areas of partnership, there are economic, military, scientific cooperation, visa issues, cooperation in the field of energy and climate, etc. The priority objective is to strengthen the position of Poland on the international scene, provide country security through collaborative relations with NATO, as well as systematically expand the scope of bilateral cooperation. The Poland’s path to NATO has not been easy. Following the actual denial of membership from the US, Poland was concerned. Nevertheless in 1996 the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate passed the NATO Enlargement Facilitation Act, particularly through Poland’s involvement. Poland’s actions in the international arena reflect the values that are the basis of the Polish state. They are democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and solidarity. That is why Poland follows certain priorities to achieve these goals. Foreign policy vectors are determined by the President and Parliament, among them the priority is given to strengthening Poland’s position in the international arena, to guarantee the security of the country through cooperation with NATO, etc. Consequently, Warsaw is frank that the future of Poland will depend on how the country will use its strategic partnership with the United States. Keywords: Republic of Poland, NATO, United States of America, bilateral cooperation.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

Chronologically, Chapter Two focuses on the 1980s, but the main theme of the chapter is the development of mutual antipathy between Iran and the United States. This development is traced through an examination of their interactions from the 1953 coup to the Iran-Iraq War. The chapter emphasizes how the experiences of the 1953 coup in Iran, the Iranian Revolution and subsequent hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War contributed to the development of a profound and widespread mutual hostility between the two countries that would subsequently come to act as a major constraint on policy-makers on both sides. The chapter also examines the origins of the IRI's nuclear programme and its connection to the emerging conflict with the USA.


2006 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond King

AbstractThis paper critically assesses the description ‘empire’ as applied to the United States in the twentieth century, proposing that US policy makers lack the territorial and occupation motives pre-requisite to being an imperial power. It is proposed that the USA is better described as an empire by accident than by design. Americans’ domestic experience of nation-building within the USA, since the early twentieth century, helps account for their unwillingness to permit the USA to be an imperial nation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 175-193
Author(s):  
I. Nedoshytko

The article is dedicated to the research of contribution of diaspora to recognition of Ukrainian independency by the United States of America. The influence of diaspora on the development of international cooperation is clarified; its role on protection of national internal and external interests and consolidation of Ukraine on the world stage are highlighted. The results of diaspora participation in the foreign policy activity of the Ukrainian state are analyzed. In 2008, the contractual framework between Ukraine and the USA was supplemented by an extremely important document – the Strategic Partnership and Security Charter. With the support of the United States, the Ukrainian side has made progress in its relations with NATO, receiving the prospect of membership in April 2008, in December of the same year – a similar format to the MAP for further preparation for NATO membership – Annual National Programs. It is emphasized that the main directions of cooperation of the Ukrainian Diaspora with official institutions of the USA correspond to the internal and external interests of Ukraine. Congress Ukrainian Caucus, Ukrainian National Information Service, Ukrainian Congressional Committee of America, a network of other organizations are active in covering major problems of the Ukrainians, ensuring the international image of Ukraine.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-293
Author(s):  
Iftikhar Ahmad Yousafzai ◽  
A. Z. Hilali

The United States adopted a policy of de-hyphenation in its relations with India and Pakistan in the post-09/11 period which continued to be operational in the period 2005-2015. This policy apparently meant that the United States would deal each of the two South Asian adversaries, India and Pakistan. The main reason for this phenomenon was that the policy-makers in the US saw India as a heavy-weight to counter the rising economic, political and military power of China in Asia. Pakistan could not be fitted in this strategic calculus. The United States changed its previous position on Kashmir and instead of calling for resolving this issue according to the United Nations resolutions, it stressed on bilateral negotiations. Similarly, the United States endorsed Indian stance that Pakistan was backing terrorist outfits that perpetrated acts of terrorism in India. Strategic partnership between The US and India extended cooperation in civil nuclear technology, missile defense, space technology and defense production. No such cooperation could be extended to Pakistan. Permanent membership in the UN Security Council for India was endorsed despite Pakistan’s objections.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 66-73
Author(s):  
Asmatullah ◽  
Hanif Khalil

The diplomatic relationship between Pakistan and United States is a matter of importance. It is a debate of strategic partnership and a tale of friendship. Systematically the relationship was born in 1947 to have a direct entry of the United States in the region of South Asia. Hence both states worked on a bundle of agreements to strengthen their relationship. However, there was a turn of events that took place in 1965, 1971, 1998 & 2001, where both nations faced hardship. The papers bring light upon these scenarios and narrate them from a natural perspective. The ideas that are discussed in the paper is to give future solutions for Pakistan to deal with the United States.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Silvia Spitta

Sandra Ramos (b. 1969) is one of the few artists to reflect critically on both sides of the Cuban di-lemma, fully embodying the etymological origins of the word in ancient Greek: di-, meaning twice, and lemma, denoting a form of argument involving a choice between equally unfavorable alternatives. Throughout her works she shines a light on the dilemmas faced by Cubans whether in Cuba or the United States, underlining the bad personal and political choices people face in both countries. During the hard 1990s, while still in Havana, the artist focused on the traumatic one-way journey into exile by thousands, as well as the experience of profound abandonment experienced by those who were left behind on the island. Today she lives in Miami and operates a studio there as well as one in Havana. Her initial disorientation in the USA has morphed into an acerbic representation and critique of the current administration and a deep concern with the environmental collapse we face. A buffoonlike Trumpito has joined el Bobo de Abela and Liborio in her gallery of comic characters derived from the rich Cuban graphic arts tradition where she was formed. While Cuba is now represented as a rotten cake with menacing flies hovering over it ready to pounce, a bombastic Trumpito marches across the world stage, trampling everything underfoot, a dollar sign for a face.


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