scholarly journals Getting ready for the next pandemic COVID-19: Why we need to be more prepared and less scared

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-89
Author(s):  
George W. Contreras, DrPH(c), MEP, MPH, MS, CEM

As of March 2020, we are almost at the three-month mark of COVID-19 with 90,663 reported cases worldwide and 3,124 reported deaths spread over six continents and 67 countries. As of March 3, 2020, the United States announced its six COVID-19-related deaths with 103 confirmed cases spread throughout fourteen states.1 It is important to note, however, that even as the number of reported cases and deaths continue to increase, the COVID-19 overall case fatality rate thus far stands at 3.4 percent. It is important to keep in mind that case fatality rates will also vary by age group and geographic areas. Government leaders and health experts have repeatedly mentioned that it is expected that COVID-19 cases would increase and that it would inevitably reach the United States. I would go even a step further to predict that there will be more confirmed cases and deaths in the United States as well as other parts of the world. Unfortunately and inevitably, by the time this editorial is published, the number of reported cases and deaths will have increased worldwide. If there is one thing to take from all of this information is that we are just at the beginning of the disease progression and more people will get infected and some additional people will also die. As a society, we need not be alarmed simply because it is a novel infectious disease. In the twentieth century, the world has experienced several novel diseases and even pandemic-level diseases. The recent CDC announcement that COVID-19 may reach pandemic levels is not only expected but also scientifically accurate when it comes to normal disease progression. Such announcements should not surprise the public and it should also not instill panic. What the world and the United States need to do is get better prepared. I understand that the fear of the unknown can be daunting but we need to recall that we (the US and the world) have been through similar experiences and survived.

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (11) ◽  
pp. 1036-1044 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar M. AL-Rawajfah ◽  
Frank Stetzer ◽  
Jeanne Beauchamp Hewitt

Background.Although many studies have examined nosocomial bloodstream infection (BSI), US national estimates of incidence and case-fatality rates have seldom been reported.Objective.The purposes of this study were to generate US national estimates of the incidence and severity of nosocomial BSI and to identify risk factors for nosocomial BSI among adults hospitalized in the United States on the basis of a national probability sample.Methods.This cross-sectional study used the US Nationwide Inpatient Sample for the year 2003 to estimate the incidence and case-fatality rate associated with nosocomial BSI in the total US population. Cases of nosocomial BSI were defined by using 1 or more International Classification of Diseases, 9th Revision, Clinical Modification codes in the secondary field(s) that corresponded to BSIs that occurred at least 48 hours after admission. The comparison group consisted of all patients without BSI codes in their NIS records. Weighted data were used to generate US national estimates of nosocomial BSIs. Logistic regression was used to identify independent risk factors for nosocomial BSI.Results.The US national estimated incidence of nosocomial BSI was 21.6 cases per 1,000 admissions, while the estimated case-fatality rate was 20.6%. Seven of the 10 leading causes of hospital admissions associated with nosocomial BSI were infection related. We estimate that 541,081 patients would have acquired a nosocomial BSI in 2003, and of these, 111,427 would have died. The final multivariate model consisted of the following risk factors: central venous catheter use (odds ratio [OR], 4.76), other infections (OR, 4.61), receipt of mechanical ventilation (OR, 4.97), trauma (OR, 1.98), hemodialysis (OR, 4.83), and malnutrition (OR, 2.50). The total maximum rescaled R2 was 0.22.Conclusions.The Nationwide Inpatient Sample was useful for estimating national incidence and case-fatality rates, as well as examining independent predictors of nosocomial BSI.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hai-Zhen Chen ◽  
Bo Cai ◽  
Jian-Guo Chen

Abstract Background: The novel coronavirus pneumonia (COVID-19) has been global threaten to public health. This paper provides perspective to the decision-making for public health control of the pandemic or the spread of epidemic.Methods: According to the WHO global reported database, we developed and used the number of cumulative cases, and the number of cumulative deaths to calculate and analyze rates of incidence, mortality, and fatality by country, with respect to the 30 highest outbreak (Top 30) countries.Results: As of December 31, 2020, of the global population of 7.585 billion, the cumulative number of reported cases was 81,475,053, and the cumulative number of deaths was 1,798,050. The incidence rate of COVID-19 was 1074.13 per 100,000 population, the mortality rate was 23.70 per 100,000, and the case fatality rate was 2.21%. Among the Top 30 countries, the five countries with the highest number of reported cumulative cases were, in rank, the United States (19,346,790 cases), India (10,266,674), Brazil (7,563,551), Russia (3,159,297) and France (2,556,708), and the five countries with the highest number of cumulative deaths were the United States (335,789 cases), Brazil (192,681), India (148,738), Mexico (123,845) and Italy (73,604). Globally, the countries with the highest incidence rate were, in rank, Andorra, Luxembourg, Montenegro, San Marino, and Czechia; the countries with the highest mortality rate were, in rank, San Marino, Belgium, Slovenia, Italy, and North Macedonia. The highest fatality rate was found in Yemen, Mexico, Montserrat, Isle of Man, and Ecuador, respectively. In China, 96,673 cases of COVID-19 and 4788 deaths were reported in 2020, ranking the 78th and the 43rd, respectively, in the world. The incidence rate and mortality rate were 6.90/105 and 0.34/105, respectively, ranking 207th and 188th in the world. The case fatality rate was 4.95%, ranking 11th in the world.Conclusions: The COVID-19 prevalence is still on the rise, and the turning points of incidence and mortality are not yet forecasted. Personal protection, anti-epidemic measures and efforts from public health personnel, medical professionals, biotechnology R&D personnel, effectiveness of the vaccination programs and the governments, are the important factors to determine the future prevalence of this coronavirus disease.


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Biba

Abstract As the Sino-American Great Power competition continues to intensify, newly-elected US President Joe Biden's administration now seeks to enlist the support of its allies and partners around the world. As Europe's largest economy and a, if not the, leading voice within the European Union, Germany represents an important puzzle-piece for Biden. But Germany, at least under outgoing chancellor Angela Merkel, has been reluctant to take sides. It is against this backdrop that this article looks into Germany's past and present trilateral relationships with the US and China through the theoretical lens of the so-called strategic triangle approach. Applying this approach, the article seeks to trace and explain German behaviour, as well as to elucidate the opportunities and pitfalls that have come with it. The article demonstrates that Germany's recently gained position as a ‘pivot’ (two positive bilateral relationships) between the US and Chinese ‘wings’ (positive bilateral relations with Germany and negative bilateral relations with each other) is desirable from the perspective of the strategic triangle. At the same time, being pivot is also challenging and hard to maintain. Alternative options, such as entering a US–German ‘marriage’ directed against China, are also problematic. The article therefore concludes that Germany has tough decisions to take going forward.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Vitaly KOZYREV

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Israa Daas ◽  

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove

This article evaluates the emergence of the new Cold War using the Syrian and Ukraine conflicts, among others. Incompatible interests between the United States (US) and Russia, short of open conflict, increased after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This article argues that the struggle for dominance between the two superpowers, both in speeches and deed, to a greater degree resembles what the world once witnessed before the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991. It asserts that despite the US’ unfettered power, after the fall of the Soviet Union, it is now being checked by Russia in a Cold War fashion.


Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.


Author(s):  
Paul J. Halyard

Amusement parks have increased in popularity around the world, with attendance escalating to more than 15 million people each year. In addition to the United States, Japan and European countries are currently developing parks, featuring amusement rides and water slides. Today, I will discuss the design and maintenance criteria of amusement park rides and waterpark slides, as well as the protection by the authority with local jurisdiction of the public from construction to operation. I will also cite typical cases which reinforce the need for requirements and standards,


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