From Political Acquiescence to Civil Disobedience

Author(s):  
Ngok Ma

The outbreak of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 followed decades of futility in the democracy movement. Years of conventional protests and bargaining had failed to bring about full democracy for Hong Kong. The rise of a new political identity and trends of radicalization in social and political movements fuelled the massive civil disobedience campaign. With Beijing handing down an election formula that allowed popular elections only after a Beijing-controlled committee screened the candidates, the opposition was prepared to launch an occupation campaign. Police violence then triggered the spontaneous participation of the masses, culminating in the 79-day occupation that signified a new stage of contentious movements for Hong Kong.

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Wah Kit

In this presentation Lee Kit's art installation at the Venice Biennale in 2013 is used as a case study of the ways in which artworks represent and help to construct representations of Hong Kong's challenge to and subversion of an aggressive and powerful rising China. In contrast with the explicit social critique and grandeur of artworks exhibited in the China Pavilion, Lee Kit's art installation - "an impressionistic house" - in the Hong Kong Pavilion appears not only abstract but mundane and even trivial. As the artist was handpicked by the organizer, without any prior public consultation, there has been heated public debate on the extent to which it is representative of Hongkongness. I argue that the apparently trivial and ordinary elements of Lee's work constitute rather than reflect the new generation of Hong Kong art. These elements may also be part of a strategy for negotiating the political identity inescapably imposed on Hong Kong by China. Hong Kong art now has the potential to distance itself from or express skepticism toward the grand narratives presented by China, to paraphrase the writing of art historian David Clarke (1997). I believe part of the aims of the international conference on "Hong Kong as Method" held at the University of Hong Kong in December 2014 is to use the ordinary to destabilize and challenge Hong Kong's taken-for-granted political identity and thereby promote diversity and inter-Asian cultural dynamics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-17
Author(s):  
Stacey Prickett

Abstract Recently, the word ’democracy’ has been featured prominently in the press, with calls to restore it, save it from ominous threats and expose challenges to its principles, all predicated on an assumed understanding of the concept. Many of the roots of today’s democracies reach back to the 18th century revolutions in the pre-U.S. American colonies and France, which continue to reinforce Euro-American values and ideologies of nation. The transfer of power remains a defining principle, shifting control from elites to the masses. How do the principles that inspired democratic revolutions relate to the ballot-box versions of democracy today? This article considers contemporary complexities of democracy as a concept, offering examples of how it is embodied through iconography, gestures of defiance and civil disobedience. Democratic values are explored in more formal choreography and in creative processes that establish associations with political agency.


Author(s):  
Stan Hok-Wui Wong

From the start, the Umbrella Movement failed to win overwhelming public support. Why would many Hong Kong people not endorse a civil disobedience movement aimed at dismantling the exclusionary political order and bringing forth democracy? Based on an original public opinion survey collected during the movement, this article provides preliminary answers to these questions. I find that those who disapproved of the movement are no less politically informed. Instead, three factors were strong predictors of disapproval of the movement: (1) satisfaction with the performance of the chief executive; (2) distrust of democracy as a solution to Hong Kong’s problems; and (3) concern about the negative impact of the protest on the rule of law.


POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Nevy Rusmarina Dewi ◽  
Mufarikhin Mufarikhin ◽  
Dinda Alfiatur Rohmaniah

<p class="07KatakunciKeywords"><span class="06IsiAbstrakChar"><span lang="EN-GB">Democracy in Indonesia has developed rapidly after the reformation, this is evidenced by the improvement in the implementation of the democratic party event. The 2019 election is an election held simultaneously between legislative elections and the presidential election. Each party and party coalition presidential election support hand in hand to try to win the hearts of the people. Community participation is very important for the determination of the votes of both the legislature and the president. Each stakeholder seeks to influence the community by using mobilization efforts. Many of the mobilization strategies in this election were carried out by many parties. This study examines the strategy of political mobilization used in gaining votes in 2019 elections in Indonesia. Qualitative research methods are used to obtain results from research. The results of the study indicate that the strategy of political mobilization in the 2019 Election uses four strategies, namely: political identity, communication media, money politics, and the use of public figures. This strategy is very effective in influencing the masses in Indonesia. This is evidenced by the polarization between the two supporting camps, and the use of communication media, especially social media in the dissemination of information</span></span><span lang="EN-GB">.</span></p>


Author(s):  
Francis L. F Lee ◽  
Joseph M Chan

This chapter discusses the pressure toward radicalization in the social movement sector in Hong Kong in the immediate years before the Umbrella Movement. The proposal of Occupy Central in early 2013 was understood against this background, and the chapter analyzes the discursive contestations surrounding the notions of Occupy Central and civil disobedience in the 20-month period between January 2013 and August 2014. The analysis shows that the Occupy Central campaign had to negotiate between the social movement sector’s urge to radicalize and the mainstream society’s emphasis on order. The result was a form of radicalization with self-restraint. The chapter ends with an analysis of citizens’ understanding of the concept of civil disobedience. It illustrates the civic education function of the Occupy Central campaign, and it also illustrates the role of digital and mass media in communicating the idea of civil disobedience.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Samson Yuen

Abstract Countermobilization has been a common strategy for autocrats to counteract the threat of opposition. Although the use of countermobilization has drawn scholarly attention, research on the mechanisms that enable countermobilization remains limited. This article underscores the role of political institutions in allowing autocrats to carry out countermobilization through incentivizing elites to serve as a bridge between the state and the masses. Focusing on the case of Hong Kong, where pro-government countermobilization is rising along with pro-democracy challenges against the hybrid regime, the article argues that countermobilization is enabled because societal elites are incentivized through political institutions to organize the masses and develop mobilization capacity through grassroots organizations. Using original elite biographical data and organizational data, the article shows that elites with more ties with grassroots organizations are more likely to remain in office in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. The findings offer an institutionalist explanation of how authoritarian rulers enact countermobilization by leveraging elite intermediaries and their grassroots networks. In this light, political institutions can serve as a conduit for the state to extend social control.


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