Horseracing, Theater and Camões

Author(s):  
Catherine S. Chan

In 1866, Hong Kong’s middle-class Macanese founded Club Lusitano Ltd., the largest Portuguese gentlemen’s club in southern China. Modeled after British clubs yet boasting selective Portuguese characteristics, the club carved a space for the Macanese to elevate their presence in Hong Kong. It allowed Macanese men who worked as clerks and small business owners in the daytime to transcend the glass ceilings they encountered in the workplace. While showcasing the Portuguese flag, playing the Hino da Carta anthem and commemorating the legendary Portuguese poet Camões emerged as ways to legitimize Club Lusitano’s Portugueseness, inviting British government officials and prominent non-Macanese businessmen to lavish celebrations mirroring Portugal’s festivals opened new doors through which to enter the social worlds of respectable Europeans, businessmen and colonial officials.

1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 295-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet W. Salaff

Borrowing concepts from the study of work and occupations as well as gender studies, this paper considers the social organization of migration as gendered work. It explores women's and men's contribution to two aspects of family resources needed to migrate: (a) jobs and the non-market exchanges involved in obtaining work, and (b) the support of kin. The data come from a study of 30 emigrant and non-emigrant families representing three social classes in Hong Kong. We find their “migration work” varies by social class and gender. Since the working class families depend on kin to get resources to emigrate, their “migration work” involves maintaining these kin ties, mainly in the job area. The lower middle class proffer advice to kin, and they view kin as an information source on topics including migration. For the affluent, middle-class who negotiate independently to emigrate, their “migration work” involves linking colleagues to the family.


1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan M. Eakin

Small workplaces present particular challenges for the promotion of occupational health and safety. However, little is known about the social organization of work in such settings and how it relates to matters of health and safety. The research on which this article is based relates patterns of occupational health behavior to the nature of social relationships within the workplace. From a qualitative analysts of interviews with 53 small business owners, the author describes the most common approach to managing workplace health and safety: leaving it up to the workers. This posture is explained in terms of the owners' perception of risk, particularly their understanding of workplace hazards, and their assessment of the social costs of ignoring or addressing such issues. Owners tended to discount or normalize health hazards, and to believe that management intervention in employee health behavior was paternalistic and inconsistent with prevailing patterns of labor relations and norms respecting individual autonomy. Many owners understood health and safety not as a bureaucratic function of management but as a personal moral enterprise in which they did not have legitimate authority. The conceptualization of the owners' responses in terms of “social rationality” has implications for addressing problems of health and safety in small workplaces.


Author(s):  
Sherry Robinson ◽  
Hans Anton Stubberud

Social networks are important to new entrepreneurs and small business owners because the ability to access information, advice, and necessary resources is vital to the success of new firms. This study examines the social networks of European business owners according to employment size after approximately three years of survival as a business. The results show that the sources of advice used at start-up varied by the size of business with employers of ten or more people more likely to report having received advice from professional acquaintances, financial institutions and training programs, and less likely to have received advice from family and friends or professional consultants. Although these people were more likely to report that they did not need advice, they were also the least likely to report that they had no access to advice. Those with between one and nine employees were the most likely to report using professional consultants (a formal source), suggesting their informal social networks were not as well­­-developed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaeleigh Herstad

Built to support the city’s peak population of nearly two million residents, tens of thousands of structures in Detroit now sit vacant and actively decaying, awaiting renovation, demolition, or deconstruction. This article draws on data from participant observation, media analysis, and semistructured interviews with residents, small business owners, and consumers in metro Detroit to examine the underlying ideology of blight removal programs in Detroit and the transformation of materials from blighted structures into objects of tangible heritage via the processes of deconstruction and “reclamation.” I argue that the city’s current blight eradication efforts, while represented by city officials (and residents) as a universal good, serve to fragment and erase the social and material legacies of racism and urban decline from the landscape and “obscure the real agents of decline.”1


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 788-832
Author(s):  
Lukas M. Muntingh

Egyptian domination under the 18th and 19th Dynasties deeply influenced political and social life in Syria and Palestine. The correspondence between Egypt and her vassals in Syria and Palestine in the Amarna age, first half of the fourteenth century B.C., preserved for us in the Amarna letters, written in cuneiform on clay tablets discovered in 1887, offer several terms that can shed light on the social structure during the Late Bronze Age. In the social stratification of Syria and Palestine under Egyptian rule according to the Amarna letters, three classes are discernible:1) government officials and military personnel, 2) free people, and 3) half-free people and slaves. In this study, I shall limit myself to the first, the upper class. This article deals with terminology for government officials.


Author(s):  
Tyas Retno Wulan ◽  
Lala M. Kolopaking ◽  
Ekawati Sri Wahyuni ◽  
Irwan Abdullah

Social remittances (ideas, system practice, and social capital flow from the receiving country to the home country) of Indonesian female migrant workers (BMP) in Hong Kong appeared better and more complete than other BMP in other countries like Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, or Singapore.  Based on that research, we are encouraged to do extensive research in order to identify factors  that push  BMP’s social remittances development  in Hong Kong, to identify kinds of social remmitances they receive  and to understand on how far their social remittances become a medium to empower them and their society.  This study is done in qualitative method that uses an in-depth interview technique and FGD.  Subjects of study are BMP, the government (Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration and BNP2TKI), NGOs, migrant workers’ organization and researchers of BMP. The study done in Cianjur (West Java), Wonosobo and Banyumas (Central Java) and Hong Kong indicates that during their migration process, female migrant workers not only have economical remittance that can be used for productive activities, but also social remittances.  The social remittances are in the form practical knowledge such as language skill and nursery; knowledge on health, financial management; ethical work; the mindset changing and networking. The study  indicate that female migrant workers are extraordinary women more than just an ex-helper.  Their migration has put them into a position as an agent of development in society.Key words: Indonesians  female migrant workers, social remmitances, empowerment


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
V. V. Gorshkova ◽  
A. A. Melnikova

The article considers the contradictions and conflicts that are characteristic of modern Russian society. The processes of social disintegration are analyzed and interpreted as a result of fundamental social and economic transformations. The problems of economic inequality are presented in the historical perspective in close connection with the previous stages of Russia's socioeconomic development. Significant polarization of the population is one of the most significant conflict factors in modern society, which leads to an increase in protest moods and may in the long term threaten social upheavals. Nevertheless, dissatisfaction with the socio-economic situation does not lead to ideas of the unification and consolidation of society, but find expression in social conflicts. The emergence and development of social conflicts is influenced by a number of factors: economic, ethnic, religious. One of the most important characteristics of society is its social structure. After the collapse of the USSR, the previous social structure was abolished, and a new social reality was formed in Russia. When considering the stratification structure of society, most attention is paid to the middle class, which is considered the backbone of a stable society. The middle class in Russia is in the stage of formation, it is hardly possible to speak of a complete analogy with the middle class of Western society. The share of middle class in society can be estimated in different ways depending on the methodological approaches used by researchers. An important consequence of the transformation of the social structure was the problem of marginalization, since the dismantling of the old social structure and the slow formation of the new one put the social status and place in the division of labor system of many individuals into question. The sharp impoverishment of representatives of prestigious professions led to a reassessment of their situation, especially for the younger generation. When analyzing the origins of social conflicts in modern Russian society, it is necessary to consider the issue of the attitude of the broad masses of the population to power and national elites. It should be noted that power in Russia historically takes shape around specific leaders and does not have an institutional character. The most significant factor shaping the attitude towards the authorities and the elite in general in Russian society are the economic results of the market reforms that have taken place. Only a small part of the population believes that they won as a result of the changes that have taken place, the natural consequence of which is the population's distrust of the authorities and, in general, political institutions.


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