scholarly journals ‘Parasitische politiek’ : Thorbecke en de persoonlijke aanval in de Nederlandse Tweede Kamer

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-145
Author(s):  
Henk te Velde

Abstract ‘Parasitic Politics’. Thorbecke and Personal Attacks in the Dutch Lower HouseThis contribution uses a famous personal attack in Dutch parliamentary history to discuss ad hominem in the context of the activity type of parliamentary debating. The case is Thorbecke, liberal leader and most prominent defender of pure parliamentary discussion, vs the then Prime Minister Van Hall, in December 1860. Thorbecke rejected Van Hall’s opportunist policies but he also disliked him intensely. His personal feelings transpired in his diatribe against Van Hall’s ‘parasitic politics’. Thorbecke’s adherents applauded what they considered a principled attack, Van Hall’s supporters criticized the vehement personal attack. The attack virtually ended the discussion, and it was the culmination of Thorbecke’s vendetta against Van Hall. It is hard to deny that Thorbecke’s diatribe was a personal attack, since he disregarded the arguments of his opponent and discredited him by attacking his personal credibility, but the interpretation of such a political case will always remain open to discussion.

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-187
Author(s):  
Carla Hoetink

Abstract The Personal Attack as Essential Characteristic of Parliamentary Debating. An Analysis on the Basis of the History of ‘Unparliamentary Language’ in the Dutch Lower HousePersonal attacks abound in Dutch parliamentary history. This article considers personal insults and character attacks as an intrinsic part of parliamentary debate. But how widespread is the phenomenon? What forms of ad hominem arguments can be distinguished in the history of Dutch parliamentary debate? When and to what extent do parliamentarians deem the abusive attack acceptable? Drawing on a rich source of language ruled to be unparliamentary in Dutch parliament from 1934 until 2001, the article will reflect on the complicated nature of personal attacks within the context of parliaments: often condemned as indecent, yet appreciated as a cunning debating strategy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christopher Cochrane ◽  
Jean-François Godbout ◽  
Jason Vandenbeukel

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature at the national level. Members of the upper House, styled the Senate, are appointed by the prime minister, and members of the lower House, the House of Commons, are elected in single-member plurality electoral districts. In practice, the House of Commons is by far the more important of the two chambers. This chapter, therefore, investigates access to the floor in the Canadian House of Commons. We find that the age, gender, and experience of MPs have little independent effect on access to the floor. Consistent with the dominant role of parties in Canadian political life, we find that an MP’s role within a party has by far the most significant impact on their access to the floor. Intriguingly, backbenchers in the government party have the least access of all.


Significance The election for the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, will be the second since the constitution was revised in 2011. This specified that the leader of the party winning the largest number of seats should be given the first opportunity to form a government. The revision led to the moderate Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), leading the government for the first time after its victory in the November 2011 poll. Impacts The election will focus attention on contentious reforms to pensions, subsidies and the education system. The months ahead will be dominated by speculation about party alliances and the likely shape of a future coalition government. The palace seems ready to accept a second term for Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, but is also keen to see PAM within government.


Subject Cambodia's banned opposition. Significance The National Assembly last month passed an amendment to a law on political parties, enabling the prime minister to request the king to lift court-imposed bans on politicians. Prime Minister Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won all 125 seats in parliament’s lower house in last July’s election. The Supreme Court in November 2017 dissolved the main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and gave 118 senior party officials five-year bans from politics. Impacts Indicted CNRP leader Kem Sokha could receive a royal pardon as part of efforts to appease foreign critics. EU trade sanctions will hit Cambodia’s export-oriented garments industry, threatening Hun Sen’s support base. Increasing Western hostility will push Cambodia further into China’s orbit.


Subject Politics in India's north-east. Significance In the forthcoming general election, 25 seats in the parliamentary lower house will be contested in the north-east. Four of the region's eight states have chief ministers from Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) while the other four have ones representing parties aligned with the BJP. However, BJP policies aimed at appeasing certain ethnic communities have provoked protests across the area. Impacts Muslim Rohingya refugees in India will increasingly attempt to cross into Bangladesh, further damaging relations between Delhi and Dhaka. Delhi will encourage Tokyo to increase investment in India's north-east, hoping to push back on Beijing's ambitions in the region. Modi, if re-elected, will step up his 'Act East' policy, seeking enhanced connectivity between the north-east and South-east Asia.


1941 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-108
Author(s):  
Ben A. Arneson

With the tense international situation as an ominous background, the regular quadrennial parliamentary elections for the lower house were held in Sweden in September, 1940. Four years ago, the autumn of 1936 witnessed spirited and warmly contested parliamentary elections in both Sweden and Norway. Because Norway's constitution was amended in 1937 to provide for quadrennial rather than triennial elections, the autumn of 1940 would—save for the German invasion of the Norwegian democracy—have seen nation-wide parliamentary elections in both countries of the Scandinavian peninsula. With Sweden as the only Scandinavian nation remaining free and independent, it has been interesting to note what effect, if any, the tremendous pressures from the surrounding totalitarian states has had on democratic processes in the Swedish state.Over a year ago, the Swedish cabinet was reorganised into a National Cabinet with all leading political parties represented. As the time for the elections approached, some of the minority parties expressed willingness to postpone the contest, even to the extent of ignoring the constitutional provision for quadrennial elections. The remarkable expression of confidence by the smaller parties in the largest party—the Social Democrats—was countered by an equally remarkable stand taken by the leader of the Social Democrats, Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson, who insisted that the democratic processes of a popular election should be continued. The prime minister's view was accepted by all parties, since it was felt by all leaders that in such a time of stress it would be an indication of democratic strength for the parliament to go to the people. All were agreed also that the parties which would, in normal times, be in opposition should continue as vital going concerns.


1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (9) ◽  
pp. 7-8
Author(s):  
Joseph Maliakan ◽  
Lek Hor Tan

Last month, following nationwide protests from journalists, editors and publishers, the Indian government withdrew its controversial Defamation Bill and announced that a national debate on the defamation issue would be intiated. The government's decision, announced by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the end of September, was greeted with jubilation by members of the press and public. The Bill, which would have considerably weakened the position of defendants in defamation cases, had been introduced into the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) on 29 August without any prior consultation with the press, and was passed next day with very little debate. The haste with which the Bill was passed was widely seen as the government's latest attempt to impose censorship on the media, especially on investigative journalism. Here a journalist on the Indian Express and lndex's Asia specialist look at the Bill and the controversy it provoked.


Asian Survey ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 632-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Estéévez-Abe

This article argues that the political drama surrounding Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro is a direct result of the political reforms implemented in Japan during the last decade. The new rules of the game have produced a structural force pushing Japan to resemble a Westminster system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 115-122
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

Notwithstanding two personal scandals, Prime Minister Abe Shinzo won the October Lower House Election thanks to the North Korean nuclear “threat” and a fragmented political opposition. Both China and Japan now have strong and powerful top leaders in President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Abe Shinzo. Presumably, both have a freer hand to rein in the nationalist elements within their countries and broker deals and compromises. Sino-Japanese relations might well be on the mend.


2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (01) ◽  
pp. 87-93
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

Right winger Abe Shinzo became Prime Minister of Japan again after leading his party to a landslide victory in the December 2012 Lower House Election. However, Abe is likely to be a “pragmatic hawk” who will prioritise economic growth and seek to avoid diplomatic ruptures with China and South Korea.


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