Diasporic Dreams, African Nation-State Realities

Author(s):  
Monique A. Bedasse

This chapter examines the clash between Rastafarian diasporic dreams and African nation-state realities. Even as the Rastafarian notion of diaspora transcended the state, Rastas were at the mercy of the Tanzanian state apparatus. The state granted them official “right of entry” in 1985,but it was not codified into law, and this made for a less than smooth process. The fissures that came to the fore turned on the legal, economic, cultural, and religious realities of repatriation. Notwithstanding these difficulties, Rastafarians and Tanzanian state officials continued to trod diaspora and to make claims about the relationship between race and citizenship.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bahiroh Adilah

This research focuses on analyzing the discourse of the power relation between the state and the people in Indonesia in the lyrics of the songs "Kami Belum Tentu" and "Padi Milik Rakyat" by Feast (group band). Intolerance became Indonesia main concern in 2018 especially Surabaya’s church bombing, which then elaborated on other issues related to the socio- economic and political phenomena in Indonesia. The two songs were chosen because they adequately describe the socio-economic and political conditions in Indonesia and related to various sectors of government.This study uses Normal Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method to read the discourse on power relations between the state and the people which is articulated in the lyrics of the two songs. The results of this study conclude that the discourse on power relations with the form of Governmentality is spread in various areas of government, including in the leadership of a democratic country, the education system in Indonesia, the law constitution of UU ITE, towards farm workers through Reforma Agraria, and also in the management of tax money in Indonesia. The people will always be in a repressive state power system and the state uses its political power to carry out hegemonic submissions that are detrimental to the people structurally and economically through the ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) and RSA (Repressive State Apparatus) which critized in Indonesian indie song lyric.


Anthropology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sian Lazar

At its most fundamental, citizenship means political belonging, and to study citizenship is to study how we live with others in a political community. Anthropological work on the theme of citizenship tends to break open the classic version of citizenship as a universal legal status belonging to citizens of a given nation-state. Instead, it recognizes the differentiated nature of political membership, and the ways that citizenship acts as an ordering and disciplining device as well as a mechanism for making claims upon different kinds of political communities. These may include the state but they are not limited to it. In dialogue with political theorists, anthropologists of citizenship have argued that the constitution of any given community requires a considerable amount of work, and that meaningful membership is more than the possession of rights and responsibilities. Citizenship may be formal or substantive, full or partial, and it is always under construction, as citizens and noncitizens claim inclusion and effective participation in political life. That may be articulated through languages of rights but may also be conducted—and contested—through other kinds of everyday or insurgent political practices. One of the main focuses of ethnographic study of the practices of citizenship has therefore been on how people relate to the state, bringing out the relationship between people and state bureaucracies and between people and law. Another aspect is the scale at which relevant political communities operate, as anthropologists have added to the discussion of national citizenship with studies of cosmopolitan, transnational, or global citizenships and of local, city-based formations. Citizenship is a complex bundle of practices of encounter between the state and citizens at different scales or levels. Because citizenship practices are also the means by which societies organize inclusion and exclusion, the figure of the noncitizen is crucial to the construction of citizenship. Noncitizens might be conceptualized as strangers, migrants, or refugees, and these individuals always raise questions about the definitions of political communities and their borders. Central to all these processes of inclusion, exclusion, encounter, and claims-making is the way that people (citizens and noncitizens) build their own political agency and subjecthood under what constraints and in what realms of life, including the most intimate.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-147
Author(s):  
Anca Șincan

The relationship between state and religious denominations in communist Romania was mediated, supervised and enforced among others by a member of the state administration—the local inspector for religious denominations. Inherited from the Soviet practice this position is new in the state apparatus. The present article offers an overview of the particularities of the inspector’s work. Constantly moving between the requirements of his position, his communist orthodoxy and his own belief system and world view he had a difficult task of going between the state administration and the religious communities and make the policies and regulations of the totalitarian state palatable and enforceable. A sounding board for state policies whose applicability they tested in the field they were the last link of the newly designed relationship between the communist state and religious denominations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 216-225
Author(s):  
Leonid Yangutov ◽  
Marina Orbodoeva

The article is devoted to the history of Buddhism in China during the period of the Southern and Northern Kingdoms (Nanbeichao, 386-589). The features of the development of Buddhism in the North and South are shown. Three aspects were identified: 1) the attitude of emperors of kingdoms to Buddhism; 2) the relationship of the state apparatus and the Buddhist sangha; 3) the process of further development of Buddhism in China in the context of its adaptation to the Chinese mentality, formed on the basis of the traditional worldview. It was revealed that Buddhism in the context of its adaptation to the Chinese mentality, both in the North and in the South, developed with the traditions of Buddhism of the Eastern Jin period to the same extent.


Author(s):  
Mark Whitehead ◽  
Rhys Jones ◽  
Martin Jones

The previous two chapters have examined key moments and sites of nature– state interaction and have argued for the need to explore the manifold contexts within which these linkages develop. This discussion proved useful as a way of highlighting the different ways in which modern states have sought to frame national natures through ideological and material processes, and began to illustrate the ideological and concrete impacts of national natures on state organizations. This chapter focuses on the ways in which nature has been incorporated into the state apparatus, as well as showing how the state apparatus has helped to frame national natures. When referring to the state apparatus, we mean the ‘set of institutions and organizations through which state power is exercised’ (Clark and Dear 1984: 45). The state apparatus is distinct from the state form, which refers to the relationship between a given state structure and a particular social formation, and the state function, which alludes to the ‘activities which are undertaken in the name of the state’ (Clark and Dear 1984: 37, 41). Despite the reference to a state apparatus in the preceding sentences, it is clear that it does not represent a singular entity. If, as Neil Brenner (2004: 4) maintains, a reference to the state in the singular misleadingly ascribes to it a unity and uniformity that it does not possess, then by the same token, we need to think about the state apparatus as something that is not singular in character. Gordon Clark and Michael Dear (1984) have emphasized the multi-faceted and plural nature of the state apparatus. The state apparatus, in this sense, comprises an agglomeration of different sub-apparatuses, which are the ‘collection of agencies, organizations and institutions which together constitute the means by which state functions are attained’, and para-apparatuses, namely those ‘auxiliary agencies’ that possess ‘some degree of operational autonomy’ (Brenner 2004: 49). The state apparatus ranges, therefore, from those bureaucracies charged with conducting the state’s executive functions to a plethora of agencies involved in its more mundane aspects of governance. For Antonio Gramsci, the state apparatus is even broader in scope, drawing in important aspects of civil society.


1977 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Bienen

Employment in the modern sector in Africa is often employment by government. Control of the state apparatus brings the ability to reward and to coerce. Private wealth is scattered in most countries, and power and status frequently stem from a place in or access to the state apparatus. Élites in Africa derive their power from control of the state, not from private property or private large-scale organisations. Yet, while public servants and civil services have been studied in Africa, there have been relatively few analyses of the state, and the relationship of state power to social classes and groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Bahiroh Adilah

This research focuses on analyzing the discourse of the power relation between the state and the people in Indonesia in the lyrics of the songs "Kami Belum Tentu" and "Padi Milik Rakyat" by Feast (group band). Intolerance became Indonesia main concern in 2018 especially Surabaya’s church bombing, which then elaborated on other issues related to the socio- economic and political phenomena in Indonesia. The two songs were chosen because they adequately describe the socio-economic and political conditions in Indonesia and related to various sectors of government.This study uses Normal Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method to read the discourse on power relations between the state and the people which is articulated in the lyrics of the two songs. The results of this study conclude that the discourse on power relations with the form of Governmentality is spread in various areas of government, including in the leadership of a democratic country, the education system in Indonesia, the law constitution of UU ITE, towards farm workers through Reforma Agraria, and also in the management of tax money in Indonesia. The people will always be in a repressive state power system and the state uses its political power to carry out hegemonic submissions that are detrimental to the people structurally and economically through the ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) and RSA (Repressive State Apparatus) which critized in Indonesian indie song lyric.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Maskuri Maskuri

Relation between religion and nation state is a term that often be a topic discuss in terms of political Islam, there is an opinion that the relationship between religion and the state are integrated as an entity, and the other say there is a mention that religion and the state it is only a mutualistic-symbiotic, in another context mentioned implementers. And the other side, the relationship between religion and the state is not at all related to each other that called secularist-liberalis. Religion should not intervene against the state, and vice versa. However, globalization makes politic loses its meaning as a tool in the struggle for the establishment of an ideal society. Thus, this paper is more emphasis on the relation between religion and the state in politic.


2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
RENATO MONSEFF PERISSINOTTO

Some recent works on the relationship between coffee interests and the State during the Brazilian ‘First Republic’ (1899–1930) have shown that the relationship between the national State and ‘coffee bourgeoisie’ was not quite as simple as earlier studies had made it seem. However, these analyses seem to assume that, at the regional level, the federalism of the First Republic placed regional political structures under class control. The goal of this article is to show that the ‘instrumentalist’ thesis is not even valid for the State apparatus when considered at the regional level. The article focuses on São Paulo state, seat of the most powerful interests linked to the coffee economy.


Dialogia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
MK Ridwan

Abstract: Indonesia as a pluralism nation-state has established Pancasila as the state ideology. Pancasila is the result of the conceptualization and history of the struggle of the Indonesian. It contains the noble values and keeps the spirit of the nation's struggle. Due to the failures of the government in developing the country, radical groups appeared for replacing Pancasila ideology into Islamic Shari'a. They claims that Pancasila along with three other pillars as the ideology of "taghut". This paper aims to construct meaning and understanding of the relationship between Islam and Pancasila in the framework of national philosophy. It further offerssome alternatives concept and interpretation of the theological-philosophical basis of the process in the integration of Islam and Pancasila. Pancasila is not only the state ideology but it also represents a theological-philosophical construction encompassing Islamic principles. It signifies vision of Islam, which provides the understanding that the formulation of Pancasila idea is in fact inspired by Islamic concepts and values. It comprises the vision of Islam in its treatise. However, both concepts existentially have autonomous rights. It imply that Islam is a religion and Pancasila is ideology. Pancasila will not be a religion and religion will not be an ideology. ملخص:اندونيسيا كدولة وطنية مع وجود التعددية قد قررت المبادئ الخمسة (بانجاشيلا) كأيديولوجية الدولة. وكان بانجاشيلا يصور نتيجة الفكرة والتاريخ الطويل من كفاح سكان الإندونيسيا. فهي تحتوي على القيم النبيلة للأمة وتحافظ على روح كفاح الأمة. ولكن حينما حدث العديد من فشل الحكومة في إدارة البلاد فهناك بعض الجماعات المتطرفة التي ترغب في تغيير بانجاشيلا بالشريعة الإسلامية، بل كانت هذه الجماعة دعى أن بانجاشيلا وثلاثة مبادئ أخرى بأيديولوجية طاغوت. وتهدف هذه المقالة بناء معنى جديد للعلاقة والتكامل بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا في إطار الفلسفة الوطنية. وفي نفس الوقت يحاول الكاتب لتقديم الفكر الجديد والتفسير عن الأساس اللاهوتي والفلسفي لعملية الاندماج بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا. وهكذا، يمكن أخذ الاستنتاج أن بانجاشيلا هي أوسع من مجرد بناء الأيديولوجية للدولة الوطنية، ولكنها تصور أيضا عن البناء الفلسفي اللاهوتي الذي يحتوي على المبادئ الإسلامية. وحتى كانت بانجاشيلا تتضمن على جميع رؤية الإسلام التي تعطي على فكرة بانجاشيلا التي مصدرها من المفاهيم الإسلامية وقيمها. إذن كل ما احتوى فى بانجاشيلا مناسبة برؤية الإسلام. ولكن لكل منهما حقوقا مستقلة، وهذا يعني أن الإسلام دين وبانجاشيلا أيديولوجية ولن تكون بانجاشيلا دينا وكذلك الدين لن يكون إيديولوجيا. Abstrak: Indonesia sebagai negara-bangsa dengan segala komposisi pluralitas di dalamnya, telah menetapkan Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara. Pancasila adalah hasil konseptualisasi dan sejarah panjang perjuangan bangsa Indonesia. Di dalamnya memuat nilai-nilai bangsa yang luhur dan menyimpan spirit perjuangan bangsa. Namun, seiring dengan banyaknya kegagalan pemerintah dalam membangun negara, terdapat kelompok-kelompok ekstremis yang ingin mengubah Pancasila dengan Syariat Islam. Bahkan kelompok tersebut menyebut Pancasila beserta tiga pilar lainnya sebagai ideologi “taghut”. Tulisan ini bermaksud membangun makna dan pemahaman baru atas relasi maupun integrasi antara Islam dengan Pancasila dalam kerangka falsafah kebangsaan. Sekaligus berusaha menawarkan alternatif pemikiran dan interpretasi mengenai basis teologis-filosofis proses integrasi Islam dan Pancasila. Sehingga, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Pancasila lebih dari sekadar bangunan ideologi negara-bangsa, tetapi juga merepresentasikan suatu konstruk teologis-filosofis yang memuat prinsip-prinsip keislaman. Bahkan apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan termasuk visi Islam, yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa perumusan ide Pancasila sejatinya diilhami oleh konsep dan nilai-nilai keislaman. apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan menjadi visi Islam dalam risalahnya. Hanya saja keduanya secara eksistensial memiliki hak otonomi tersendiri. Artinya bahwa Islam adalah agama dan Pancasila adalah ideologi. Pancasila tidak akan menjadi agama dan agama tidak akan menjadi ideologi. Keywords: Integrated, Pancasila, Islam, The State Ideology  


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