scholarly journals PENAFSIRAN PANCASILA DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM: PETA KONSEP INTEGRASI

Dialogia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
MK Ridwan

Abstract: Indonesia as a pluralism nation-state has established Pancasila as the state ideology. Pancasila is the result of the conceptualization and history of the struggle of the Indonesian. It contains the noble values and keeps the spirit of the nation's struggle. Due to the failures of the government in developing the country, radical groups appeared for replacing Pancasila ideology into Islamic Shari'a. They claims that Pancasila along with three other pillars as the ideology of "taghut". This paper aims to construct meaning and understanding of the relationship between Islam and Pancasila in the framework of national philosophy. It further offerssome alternatives concept and interpretation of the theological-philosophical basis of the process in the integration of Islam and Pancasila. Pancasila is not only the state ideology but it also represents a theological-philosophical construction encompassing Islamic principles. It signifies vision of Islam, which provides the understanding that the formulation of Pancasila idea is in fact inspired by Islamic concepts and values. It comprises the vision of Islam in its treatise. However, both concepts existentially have autonomous rights. It imply that Islam is a religion and Pancasila is ideology. Pancasila will not be a religion and religion will not be an ideology. ملخص:اندونيسيا كدولة وطنية مع وجود التعددية قد قررت المبادئ الخمسة (بانجاشيلا) كأيديولوجية الدولة. وكان بانجاشيلا يصور نتيجة الفكرة والتاريخ الطويل من كفاح سكان الإندونيسيا. فهي تحتوي على القيم النبيلة للأمة وتحافظ على روح كفاح الأمة. ولكن حينما حدث العديد من فشل الحكومة في إدارة البلاد فهناك بعض الجماعات المتطرفة التي ترغب في تغيير بانجاشيلا بالشريعة الإسلامية، بل كانت هذه الجماعة دعى أن بانجاشيلا وثلاثة مبادئ أخرى بأيديولوجية طاغوت. وتهدف هذه المقالة بناء معنى جديد للعلاقة والتكامل بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا في إطار الفلسفة الوطنية. وفي نفس الوقت يحاول الكاتب لتقديم الفكر الجديد والتفسير عن الأساس اللاهوتي والفلسفي لعملية الاندماج بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا. وهكذا، يمكن أخذ الاستنتاج أن بانجاشيلا هي أوسع من مجرد بناء الأيديولوجية للدولة الوطنية، ولكنها تصور أيضا عن البناء الفلسفي اللاهوتي الذي يحتوي على المبادئ الإسلامية. وحتى كانت بانجاشيلا تتضمن على جميع رؤية الإسلام التي تعطي على فكرة بانجاشيلا التي مصدرها من المفاهيم الإسلامية وقيمها. إذن كل ما احتوى فى بانجاشيلا مناسبة برؤية الإسلام. ولكن لكل منهما حقوقا مستقلة، وهذا يعني أن الإسلام دين وبانجاشيلا أيديولوجية ولن تكون بانجاشيلا دينا وكذلك الدين لن يكون إيديولوجيا. Abstrak: Indonesia sebagai negara-bangsa dengan segala komposisi pluralitas di dalamnya, telah menetapkan Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara. Pancasila adalah hasil konseptualisasi dan sejarah panjang perjuangan bangsa Indonesia. Di dalamnya memuat nilai-nilai bangsa yang luhur dan menyimpan spirit perjuangan bangsa. Namun, seiring dengan banyaknya kegagalan pemerintah dalam membangun negara, terdapat kelompok-kelompok ekstremis yang ingin mengubah Pancasila dengan Syariat Islam. Bahkan kelompok tersebut menyebut Pancasila beserta tiga pilar lainnya sebagai ideologi “taghut”. Tulisan ini bermaksud membangun makna dan pemahaman baru atas relasi maupun integrasi antara Islam dengan Pancasila dalam kerangka falsafah kebangsaan. Sekaligus berusaha menawarkan alternatif pemikiran dan interpretasi mengenai basis teologis-filosofis proses integrasi Islam dan Pancasila. Sehingga, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Pancasila lebih dari sekadar bangunan ideologi negara-bangsa, tetapi juga merepresentasikan suatu konstruk teologis-filosofis yang memuat prinsip-prinsip keislaman. Bahkan apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan termasuk visi Islam, yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa perumusan ide Pancasila sejatinya diilhami oleh konsep dan nilai-nilai keislaman. apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan menjadi visi Islam dalam risalahnya. Hanya saja keduanya secara eksistensial memiliki hak otonomi tersendiri. Artinya bahwa Islam adalah agama dan Pancasila adalah ideologi. Pancasila tidak akan menjadi agama dan agama tidak akan menjadi ideologi. Keywords: Integrated, Pancasila, Islam, The State Ideology  

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-247
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hefni

Success of the Ottoman empire as one of the greatest, most extensive, and longest-lasting empires in the history of the world could not be released from the efforts of the government to organize the state throught establishment various institutions. Among them are judicials instititution such as kadi courts and Hisbah institutions which was led by a muhtesib. Therefore, this paper discusses the relationship and the interaction between the kadi and the muhtesib in the Ottoman empire, and their historical roots in the periods before. The position of a kadi and a muhesib has existed in periods before the Ottoman empire. A kadi has existed since the Prophet Muhammad pbuh period. While, a muhtesib historically has began in the Greco-Roman agoranomos. In the Ottoman empire, both became important governmental functions. They had the power to pronounce decisions on everything connected with the sharî'a and the Sultanic law. They played roles in controlling urban life, its economic activities in particular. All the production and manufacturing activities in the cities that were carried out within the framework of the guild organization was under the control of the kadi and the muhtesib. For example a craft guilds and a creditor guilds.  


Author(s):  
Efrinaldi Efrinaldi

In the history of Islamic politics, the leadership of the Messenger of Allah in Medina, who is protecting heterogeneous citizens, is a proof of the exisitency of the state and government in Islam. The Leadership of the Apostles in Medina indicates the fulfillment of the nominal requirements as a state. In the Medina state he is recognized as the supreme leader, which means the holder of the legislative, executive and judicial powers. In practice, however, he delegated executive and judicial duties to his capable and capable companions. In essence, there are two references to the life of the state arranged in the Medina Charter, namely: 1) All followers of Islam is a people although they are different tribes; 2) The relationship between Muslim and non-Muslim communities is based on the principles of: (a) being good neighbors, (b) helping each other against common enemies, (c) defending persecuted, (d) advising each other, and (e) respecting freedom religion. The essential elements for the formation of the State of Medina, consisting of a region, namely Medina; people composed of Muslim and non-Muslim groups; the government is controlled by the Prophet and assisted by his companions; as well as sovereigns based on the written law (Medina Charter) within the community of Medina.


Author(s):  
Ayrat Halitovich Tuhvatullin ◽  
Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn ◽  
Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin ◽  
Alina Petrovna Sultanova

The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fathul Hamdani ◽  
Ana Fauzia

The implementation of these simultaneous regional elections is certainly a separate discourse that is interesting to be learned, especially concerning the enforcement of democracy and human rights. The main objectives of this research focus on the analysis related to the relationship between democracy and human rights, the fundamental dignity of democracy and human rights after the implementation of the regional leader’s elections in 2020, and also the government’s responsibility in case of an increase in cases of Covid-19 resulting from the implementation of simultaneous regional elections. In this research, the method used is normative juridical using statutory, conceptual, and historical approaches. The research results centered on a conception of democracy and human rights as a conception of humanity born from the history of human civilization. This conception of human rights and democracy in its development is significantly related to the conception of state law. Thus, the existence of Indonesia as a legal state places the law as a hierarchicalunity of the legal norms that culminate in the constitution, and the constitution has clearly and clearly stated in Article 28I paragraph (4) of the Constitution that: “The protection, promotion, enforcement, and fulfillment of human rights is the responsibility of the state, especially the government." Therefore, the state is responsible for ensuring the enforcement of the human rights of citizens, especially after the implementation of the 2020 regional leader elections (hereinafter as pilkada) amid the Covid-19 pandemic era.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Sutoro Eko

The paper provides a critical overview of the Bulaksumur School, which has pioneered and left the governmental science (GS), and the Bandung-Jatinangor School, as the mainstream school, which reorganizes the GS in the sense of public management. We present the Timoho School, which remaking GS, with the main orientation being government making (GM). First, idealistically-axiologically, GM  has an ideological-philosophical basis on populism which aims to achieve justice. Second, GM thinks about how the government and parliament act politically and legally with the constitution, legislation, and regulations, not only for ordering the state but for changing the state, which contributes to the transformation of the people into citizens. Third, GM is a body of GS knowledge that has a monodisciplinary basis, is able to produce theories of government, and uses various governmental perspectives to describe, understand, and explain the phenomena of people's lives outside the realm of the office. Fourth, government making distinguishes GS from political science which speaks of state making, and public administration which speaks of policymaking. The relationship between government and state is the entry point for GS’s attention. Fifth, GS’s knowledge bodies can be formed and enriched with five major concepts: government, governing, governability, governance, and governmentality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Muhamad Ali

Indonesia and Malaysia offer comparative perspectives concerning the relationship between loyalties to the Muslim umma, local ethnicity, and the modern nation-state, and how interpretations of the sharia and modern constitution, laws, politics, and policies intersect in multiple and changing ways. This article seeks to compare and contrast some of the contemporary discourses on sharia and citizenship as demonstrated by Indonesian and Malaysian scholars, politicians, and activists. Both Indonesian and Malaysian constitutions were born out of the modern notion of citizenship that recognizes religious diversity. On the one hand, the Constitution of Indonesia does not specify Islam as the state religion, but the government promotes official religions. On the other hand, the Constitution of Malaysia makes it explicit that Islam is the state religion while recognizing religious diversity. The Indonesian government does not conflate particular ethnicity with Islam, whereas Malaysia integrates Islam and Malay ethnicity amidst Malaysian religious and ethnic plurality. Both cases prevent us from categorizing each case as either an Islamic legal conservatism or a modern legal liberalism. These two cases resist the binary opposition between sharia conservatism deemed against citizenship and modern legal liberalism deemed against religious laws. There are ambiguities, contradictions, as well as compromises and integration between conflicting ideas and systems concerning Islam and citizenship.


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


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