“Razas no gratas” and the Color Bar at the Border

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Lim
Keyword(s):  
Jim Crow ◽  
Chinese Immigrants ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Racial Ideologies ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the hardening of the border during the 1920s and 1930s, and the more expansive racially restrictive immigration regimes that developed from both sides of the border. As the United States shifted its focus from excluding Chinese immigrants to targeting Mexicans, Mexico enacted its own set of immigration policies to marginalize and bar Chinese and African-American movement to Mexico. Using NAACP papers, government correspondence, and immigration records from both U.S. and Mexican archives, this chapter provides a fresh perspective on the experiences of African Americans in Texas who felt the double blow of exclusion at the U.S.-Mexico border: the exclusions of Jim Crow and Mexico’s indigenismo. Providing a more integrated understanding of Chinese, black, and Mexican experiences at the border, the chapter ultimately emphasizes the shared venture between the Mexican and U.S. nation-states in controlling race, immigration, and the nation during the first half of the twentieth century. As racial ideologies and immigration policies migrated across national boundaries, it became more difficult for racialized bodies to do the same. And not only was their multiracial presence physically marginalized within the landscape of the borderlands, they were removed altogether from the nation’s identity and history.

Concrete Biodeterioration in the U.S.-Mexico Border Region

2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Arid Region ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Groundwater Resources ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Hardened Concrete ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Sewage Systems

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.

Religious Overclaiming and Support for Religious Aggression

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 1011-1021
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Jones ◽  
Adon L. Neria ◽  
Farzad A. Helm ◽  
Reza N. Sahlan ◽  
Jessica R. Carré
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
The Self ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Mechanical Turk ◽  
Self Concept ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
Three Samples ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Different Cultures ◽  
The U.S

Agentic self-enhancement consists of self-protective and self-advancing tendencies that can lead to aggression, especially when challenged. Because self-enhancers often endorse aggression to defend or enhance the self-concept, religious self-enhancement should lead to endorsing aggression to defend or enhance one’s religion. We recruited three samples ( N = 969) from Mechanical Turk ( n = 409), Iran ( n = 351), and the U.S.–Mexico border region ( n = 209). We found that religious (but not secular) self-enhancement in the form of religious overclaiming predicted support for, and willingness to engage in, religious aggression. In contrast, accuracy in religious knowledge had mostly negative associations with aggression-relevant outcomes. These results emerged across two separate religions (Christianity and Islam) and across three different cultures (the United States, Iran, and the U.S.–Mexico border region). Thus, religious overclaiming is a promising new direction for studying support for religious aggression and identifying those who may become aggressive in the name of God.

Collective (Mis)Representation of U.S. Immigration Laws

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 519-532
Author(s):  
Stephanie Pedron
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Collective Consciousness ◽  
Immigration Laws ◽  
Collective Representations ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Ideal

This paper examines historic federal immigration policies that demonstrate how the United States has rendered entire groups of people living inside and outside of its territory as outsiders. Collective representations like the Statue of Liberty suggest that the U.S. is a nation that welcomes all immigrants, when in reality, the U.S. has historically functioned as a “gatekeeper” that excludes specific groups of people at different times. The concurrent existence of disparate beliefs within a society’s collective consciousness influences the public’s views toward citizenship and results in policy outcomes that contrast sharply from the ideal values that many collective representations signify. As restrictive immigration controls are refined, insight into how immigrant exclusion via federal policy has evolved is necessary to minimize future legislative consequences that have the potential to ostracize current and future Americans.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Patiño
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
San Diego ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Undocumented Migrants ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
Immigrant Rights ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
And Control ◽  
The U.S

The Conclusion is a brief analysis of how the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) both conceded to and fragmented the Chicano/Mexicano immigrant rights mobilizations facilitated in part by the CCR. Signed by a Republican, it was the first mass amnesty act revealing the influence of the human rights components of Chicano/Mexicano organizing that activists in San Diego had taken part in formulating beginning in the late 1960s. Yet the act also marginalized the abolitionist position of the movement, giving concessions by providing amnesty to a subsection of undocumented migrants, while further militarizing the U.S.-Mexico border. The chapter concludes with an analysis of two divergent responses by Chicano/Mexicano activists o the new law: those who invested their energies in politicizing and assisting undocumented migrants who qualified for the amnesty provisions of IRCA by working with immigration state mechanisms and other activists who continued to criticize the “carrot and stick” immigration policies and maintain the call to abolish immigration state apparatuses.

Not Imprisonment in a Legal Sense

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Chinese Immigrants ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
History Of ◽  
Immigrant Detention ◽  
One Year ◽  
The U.S

The third chapter is a western tale of national and global import. That tale, which sutures the split between the history of incarceration within the United States and the history of deportation from the United States, swirls around the passage of the 1892 Geary Act, a federal law that required all Chinese laborers in the United States to prove their legal residence and register with the federal government or be subject to up to one year of imprisonment at hard labor and, then, deportation. Chinese immigrants rebelled against the new law, refusing to be locked out, kicked out, or singled out for imprisonment. Launching the first mass civil disobedience campaign for immigrant rights in the history of the United States, Chinese immigrants forced the U.S. Supreme Court to issue a set of sweeping and enduring decisions regarding the future of U.S. immigration control. Buried in those decisions, which cut through Los Angeles during the summer of 1893, lay the invention of immigrant detention as a nonpunitive form of caging noncitizens within the United States. It was then an obscure and contested practice of indisputably racist origins. It is now one of the most dynamic sectors of the U.S. carceral landscape.

After the Airlifts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Varzally
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Attention ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
And Migration ◽  
And Control ◽  
The U.S

This chapter focuses upon the aftermath of Operation Babylift, the mass airlift of Vietnamese children to the United states on the eve of the nation’s formal withdrawal. Arguably the most dramatic episode of the unfolding adoption and migration story, it received overwhelming media coverage, captured international attention, and pushed Vietnamese adoptees to the center of debates about the war’s end and aftermath. Although the architects of the airlift hoped it would improve the America’s reputation and benefit Vietnamese children, it stoked significant controversy among Americans and Vietnamese who accused the U.S. and Vietnamese governments of playing politics. The airlift and its controversy also displayed the creative ways in which Vietnamese families stretched across national boundaries an, demanded reunions, and disputed American efforts to contain and control the legacies of war.

Race, Memory, and Military Men’s Sexuality

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-83
Author(s):  
Rebecca Forgash
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black Power ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Racial Boundaries ◽  
Racial Ideologies ◽  
International Couples ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Racial Discourses ◽  
The U.S

This chapter analyzes Okinawan discourses on race and military men's sexuality, with a focus on how Japanese and American racial discourses have shaped local understandings of difference. It discusses how the imperial rhetoric positioned Okinawans and other Asians alongside the Japanese in unified opposition to Europeans and Americans. During the postwar occupation, the U.S. military and its personnel were introduced into the Okinawa discourses on U.S. imperialism in Asia, Jim Crow segregation, and the 1960s civil rights and black power movements. The chapter also features the personal narratives of individuals who self-consciously viewed their relationships as transgressing established racial boundaries. It narrates stories that illustrate the struggle of military international couples in order to understand and rework racial ideologies and expectations in Okinawa's postwar society.

scholarly journals Some Children Left Behind

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigrant Parents ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
South Central ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
South Central Los Angeles ◽  
The U.S

Using a combination of oral life history interviews, field observation, and conversations with undocumented Mexican immigrant parents raising children born in the United States in South Central Los Angeles, California, this in-depth consideration of the state of emergency they face as a result of the U.S. government's implementation of the Criminal Alien Program (CAP) and Secure Communities Program (SCP) reveals their uniquely local and transnational confrontation of an increasingly insecure family situation that stretches across the U.S.-Mexico border and throughout U.S. inner cities, like South Central Los Angeles. The visibly public alienation these children, most recently identified as citizen kids endure makes evident that tragically they are most vulnerable to the indignities born out of these programs. The convergence of minor offenses committed by their parents, the illegality of their immigration status, and these children's U.S. citizenship status have paved the way for an incalculable loss that is most palpable when pausing to observe their multifaceted alienation. The relationship between these children's citizenship status, family relationships, day to day interactions, and these program's implementation reveals an underestimated yet infinitely tragic state of emergency.

Who Writes Criminal Laws? Actors, Values, and Institutions in Criminal Law-Making / Wer schreibt das Strafrecht? Akteure, Werte und Institutionen der Strafrechts-gesetzbegung

2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Hammel
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Structural Difference ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Expert Control ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Historical Factors ◽  
Penal Law ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Law Making

AbstractThe responses of the U.S. and Europe to increased crime from the 1960s to the 1990s differed starkly: the U.S. enacted a punitive agenda, while penal polity and incarceration rates in Western (and Eastern) Europe remained gener­ally stable. To explain this divergence, many commentators invoke cultural or historical factors such as America’s ‘frontier mentality” or Calvinist religious heritage. This article proposes another focus: differing cultures of criminal law-making. During the Enlightenment, a pattern of expert control over penal law emerged in most European nation-states. The pattern still holds - even today, major changes to penal polity are still entrusted to groups of elite professors, jurists and senior civil servants, who create coherent codes covering the entire national territory. In the United States, no tradition of expert control took hold. Criminal law is made at the state level, there is little emphasis on logical code-drafting and shifting local majorities can pass new criminal laws almost at will This structural difference in who writes criminal laws has far-reaching effects not only on the how crime is defined, but on other factors such as public expectations of the criminal justice system and the values penal legislation is thought to express.

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