scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SELJUK EMPIRE AND THE BEGINNING OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS

Author(s):  
A. Dzhumadullaeva ◽  
◽  
E. Zulpykharova ◽  

The article considers the fact that the Seljuk state was founded by the Oghuz Seljuks, as well as the internal social policy of the Seljuk empire as a prerequisite for a crisis in the country (late XI and early XII centuries). The Seljuks combined the fragmented political landscape of the eastern Islamic world and played a key role in first and second crusades. Strongly Persianized in culture and language, the Seljuks also played an important role in the development of the Turkic-Persian tradition, even exporting Persian culture to Anatolia. The resettlement of Turkic tribes in the northwestern peripheral parts of the empire with the military strategic goal of repelling the invasions of neighboring states led to the gradual Turkization of these territories. Sultans handed out nobles and ordinary warriors to the nobility - ikta, which made it possible for the sultan to maintain power. At the end of the XI century, large conquests ended, bringing the nobility new lands and military booty, which led to a change in the political situation in the country. Know began to strive to turn their possessions into legally hereditary, and their power over the Rayyats - into unlimited; the owners of large Lenas raised rebellions, seeking independence (Khorezm in the 1st half of the XII century). To provide the army with land (ICT), wages, gifts, food, weapons, uniforms, medicines, the Sultan's government went to any expense. The widespread use of ICT in the army has allowed the creation of a stable mercenary army, specializing in the change of people's squads

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Gavrilova ◽  
A. Vilchinskii

The paper examines the party-political crisis in the Kingdom of Spain. The triggers of the political crisis are analyzed, the results of the parliamentary election in 2015, 2016 and 2019 are considered and the main trends in the Spanish electoral process are highlighted. The study carries out a content analysis of the programs presented by leading Spanish political parties prior to the 2016 and 2019 parliamentary election. The article describes the run-up to the off -year voting on November 10, 2019. The research presents a comparative analysis of sociological surveys, distinguishes the most topical issues for Spanish voters and fi gures out their political preferences. The article shows the infl uence the internal political situation has on the international position of the Kingdom and its role in the European Union. The research identifi es the main problems in forging party coalitions, underscores the stances of regional and nationalist parties, analyzes the results of the resolved crisis in 2020 and characterizes new Spanish government.


Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-188
Author(s):  
Godfrey Maringira

This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.


Turkology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (103) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Z.Sh. Abdirashidov ◽  

At the end of the XIX century, the Muslim world, which fell into deep political and intellectual stagnation, was looking for ways out of this situation and raising the scientific potential of the Muslim community. The political crisis in the internal and external affairs of the most powerful Muslim state – Turkey, led in 1908 to the 2nd Constitutional Revolution. During this period that a press arose in Istanbul aimed at agitating or promoting the unity of Muslims under the rule of the Ottoman Sultan. The Turkish press, in order to fulfill the tasks assigned to it, first of all began to familiarize the Ottoman public with the life, political and social situation of Muslims living mainly in the southeastern territories of Asia. This article provides a preliminary analysis of the materials of the Turkish press, in particular, the magazines Ṣırāṭ-ı Müstaqīm, Ta‘āruf-i Müslimīn and Ḥikmet about Chinese Muslims, as well as made an attempt to identify the main ideological aspects of Ottoman society, their attitude to the socio-political situation of Chinese Muslims.


2018 ◽  
Vol 164 (5) ◽  
pp. 358-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ojas Pujji ◽  
S L A Jeffery

Burn excision is the gold standard treatment for full thickness and some deep partial thickness burns. Early burn excision (24–96 hours) has been shown to improve patient outcomes. However, in the military setting, transporting the patient to a centre which can provide this procedure can be delayed. Especially as control of airspace in the future may be hampered due to the political landscape. For this reason, focus on how to achieve safer burn excision prior to repatriation should be addressed. This paper considers the barriers to early burn excision in the military setting and offers potential solutions for the future.


Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The political development of Thailand in XXIth century is characterized by a deep split of the society into opponents and supporters of democratization. The latter are consolidated around the figure of Taksin Sinavatra, the former prime minister. He was overthrown by the military in 2006, but still enjoys the support of the popular majority he gained due to his economic policy aimed at improving the life conditions of the poor in periphery regions. The triumph of his parties in elections since 2001 caused the new power balance in politics traditionally viewed as a focal area of the political establishment – the representatives of the Bangkok upper and middle classes only. The marginalization of their position in the political system and the impossibility of coming to power through elections determined their integration into the anti-government movement, for the purpose of cancelling the representative democracy system that doesn’t meet the interests of the traditional political elite finding itself in a “minority” and unwilling to be under the reign of a “majority”. The deepening of the political crisis provoked the military into undertaking the coup d’état in May 2014 and establishing an authoritarian regime, which ensured the accrescency of power for the traditional elite. Nevertheless, as the author concludes, the future political development of Thailand seems unclear. The power of military in cooperation with their civilian followers is unlikely to reconcile the society, split by class differences and political aspirations. The contemporary political development of Thailand reflects the situation when the “populace” doesn’t want just to remain under control any longer, and the “upper strata” refuses to be under the rule of the electoral majority. The main question raised today is not of the Taksin's destiny, but of an alternative for the Thailand's future political development – restricted democracy directed by upper classes, or representative democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
B.M. Cheskidov

In article the interrelation of current political crisis in the Special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China Siangtan (Hong Kong) with change of its importance for transit of the capital from continental China in offshore jurisdictions and its return as part of transformation of a situation in the People’s Republic of China is considered. The conclusion about the serious financial reasons for development of crisis in the direction of strengthening of separatist sentiments in Hong Kong is drawn and related aggravation of a military-political situation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 196-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. GANESAN

AbstractDemocratic transitions in Asia have received widespread interest in the political science literature since the 1990s. The Thein Sein-led government that came into power in 2010 in Myanmar has undertaken wide ranging reforms that has altered the country's political landscape. They include evolving a working relationship with the political opposition, freeing political prisoners, and the granting of amnesty to political exiles to encourage their return, the negotiation of ceasefire agreements with almost all of the ethnic insurgent armies and the inauguration of the Myanmar Peace Centre. Nonetheless, the county continues to suffer from ongoing developments that retard the process of democratization as well. A confluence of interest between the NLD, ethnic groups, and civil society organizations also prompted attempts to change the 2008 Constitution and its by-laws that prevented Aung San Suu Kyi from running for the country's presidency. That attempt and the potential for reform were scuttled by the August 2015 ‘coup’ against Thura Shwe Mann. The NLD's overwhelming victory in the November elections has significantly strengthened Suu Kyi's position and all major political actors including those from the military have been conciliatory towards the election outcome and there is cause for cautious optimism. After 6 months in power, the policy priorities of the new government are also clearer.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-163
Author(s):  
Kobi Michael

Jihadist terror is a multidimensional challenge that compels unique difficulties on compatibility between the military campaign and the political goal. Compatibility between military campaigns and political goal requires a deeper understanding about the Jihadi terrorism phenomenon that could be achieved by a strategic and diagnostic learning process. Such learning requires certain characteristics, which enable the creation of open discourse. This article introduced definitions of closed and open discourse, characterized the required conditions for creating open discourse, and explained the linkage between strategic learning and open discourse. This article aims to add another theoretical layer to Rebecca Schiff’s “targeted partnership” concept by elaborating on the essence of the encounter and discourse between the political and the military echelons in the context of terrorism in the Middle East, using examples from the American and Israeli experience. The concepts of “Discourse Space” and “Diagnostic Learning” are corresponding with Schiff’s concept and accomplish it.


Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The article explores the political crisis in Abkhazia in 2014 -2017. The author analyzes its visible preconditions, as well as the reasons that are beyond the political situation (nation building, Abkhazian society’s attitude to sovereignty, the political system reform). The author also considers the issue of forming mechanisms for protecting Abkhazian political system from crises. In conclusion, a preliminary analysis of the events of January, 2018 is given.


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