Transformations of the spanish party-political landscape: internal and external vectors

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Gavrilova ◽  
A. Vilchinskii
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Nationalist Parties

The paper examines the party-political crisis in the Kingdom of Spain. The triggers of the political crisis are analyzed, the results of the parliamentary election in 2015, 2016 and 2019 are considered and the main trends in the Spanish electoral process are highlighted. The study carries out a content analysis of the programs presented by leading Spanish political parties prior to the 2016 and 2019 parliamentary election. The article describes the run-up to the off -year voting on November 10, 2019. The research presents a comparative analysis of sociological surveys, distinguishes the most topical issues for Spanish voters and fi gures out their political preferences. The article shows the infl uence the internal political situation has on the international position of the Kingdom and its role in the European Union. The research identifi es the main problems in forging party coalitions, underscores the stances of regional and nationalist parties, analyzes the results of the resolved crisis in 2020 and characterizes new Spanish government.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SELJUK EMPIRE AND THE BEGINNING OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dzhumadullaeva ◽  
◽  
E. Zulpykharova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Military ◽  
Culture And Language ◽  
Strategic Goal

The article considers the fact that the Seljuk state was founded by the Oghuz Seljuks, as well as the internal social policy of the Seljuk empire as a prerequisite for a crisis in the country (late XI and early XII centuries). The Seljuks combined the fragmented political landscape of the eastern Islamic world and played a key role in first and second crusades. Strongly Persianized in culture and language, the Seljuks also played an important role in the development of the Turkic-Persian tradition, even exporting Persian culture to Anatolia. The resettlement of Turkic tribes in the northwestern peripheral parts of the empire with the military strategic goal of repelling the invasions of neighboring states led to the gradual Turkization of these territories. Sultans handed out nobles and ordinary warriors to the nobility - ikta, which made it possible for the sultan to maintain power. At the end of the XI century, large conquests ended, bringing the nobility new lands and military booty, which led to a change in the political situation in the country. Know began to strive to turn their possessions into legally hereditary, and their power over the Rayyats - into unlimited; the owners of large Lenas raised rebellions, seeking independence (Khorezm in the 1st half of the XII century). To provide the army with land (ICT), wages, gifts, food, weapons, uniforms, medicines, the Sultan's government went to any expense. The widespread use of ICT in the army has allowed the creation of a stable mercenary army, specializing in the change of people's squads

scholarly journals Opposition to the European Union in the UK: The Dilemma of Public Opinion and Party Management

2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Usherwood
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Policy ◽  
Effective Power ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Uk

The Main Aim Of This Article Is To Understand Some Of The processes at work in the management of European policy formation by political parties in the UK. More specifically, it attempts to apply and extend the model proposed by Aspinwall of institutional constraints on that policy management. Whereas Aspinwall limits the application of his model to parliamentary coalitions and effective power, we push the model further by describing and analysing its interaction with other features of the political landscape, most notably the generally low level of interest in European affairs on the part of the British public.

scholarly journals “Morrer por dentro”? Os desafios do populismo e as eleições europeias de 2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Paulo Vila Maior
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Centre Of Gravity ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Eu

The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative process of the EU, populist and radical parties’ Euroscepticism (if not their standpoint against the EU) might pervade the EP and threaten the EU with the prospect of setback, or at least stagnation.

scholarly journals Ideological attitudes of the leading russian political parties in the run – up to the 2021 elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Nikolai A. Baranov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Social Conservatism ◽  
Constructivist Approaches ◽  
Ideological Attitudes

The article characterizes the political and ideological discourse in Russia, which differs from the modern ideological tendencies of liberal-democratic countries and takes into account the peculiarities of the Russian socio-economic situation. The purpose of the work is to identify the main ideological priorities of the leading political parties of the Russian Federation that have their deputies in the regional and federal parliaments. Based on the political, cultural and constructivist approaches, the author reveals the peculiarities of the ideological perception of Russian political reality. Unlike Western countries, Russia is not characterized by the inclusion of postmodern values in the ideological palette. At the same time, there is an increase in the need for a conservative ideology with various variations – social conservatism, enlightened conservatism, liberal conservatism. The values of patriotism, nationalism, and sovereignty have become widely demanded. The analysis of the programs of the leading political parties preparing for the parliamentary elections of 2021 is carried out, which indicates the popularity of conservative and socialist values in their various syntheses, including nationalist and liberal. The success of the new political parties registered in 2020 is celebrated: New People, Green Alternative, For the Truth. Liberal values remain on the periphery of public consciousness and are not in demand in political practice. Most political parties are focused on solving social problems, which indicates the demand for socialist values. However, in some regions where environmental problems are not being addressed, there is a need to introduce an environmentally-oriented agenda in the main spheres of society, which is more the exception than the rule. Thus, there is a need to differentiate the political preferences of citizens, expressed in the adaptation of ideological paradigms to reality.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

Remedying Diploma Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Implicit Bias ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Political Skills ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
European Unification ◽  
Nationalist Parties

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE RUSSIAN REGIONAL POLITICAL PROCESS

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
N. Zimina ◽  
A. Novikova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Personal Factors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Regional Interests

Political parties today are important elements of the regional political process. Parties, along with other political institutions, participate in the implementation of state policy within the region. The practice of recent years shows a negative trend in the creation of political parties, but those parties that are already registered and are actively fighting for political power at all stages of the Russian elections. Political parties participate in the regional political process to embrace the advantages of the political party space. These advantages are due to both objective factors (territorial potential, the economy of the region) and subjective reasons (personal factors associated with the rating of the leader, both the governor and the party coordinator, the nature of his acquaintance with the central financial department, and more). The study of the organization of power in the regions allows us to talk about its various modifications due to these factors. Political parties are a political institution, they represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in today’s political situation fully personify the needs of the regions and represent them at elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of the regional government

The World. Challenges of the Global Crisis. Germany

2014 ◽  
pp. 38-52
Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Economy Model ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The World ◽  
Social Market ◽  
The Eu

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.

scholarly journals Image of a Chinese Muslim in Late Ottoman Press

Turkology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (103) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Z.Sh. Abdirashidov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Situation ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Chinese Muslims ◽  
Scientific Potential ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
Constitutional Revolution ◽  
Late Ottoman

At the end of the XIX century, the Muslim world, which fell into deep political and intellectual stagnation, was looking for ways out of this situation and raising the scientific potential of the Muslim community. The political crisis in the internal and external affairs of the most powerful Muslim state – Turkey, led in 1908 to the 2nd Constitutional Revolution. During this period that a press arose in Istanbul aimed at agitating or promoting the unity of Muslims under the rule of the Ottoman Sultan. The Turkish press, in order to fulfill the tasks assigned to it, first of all began to familiarize the Ottoman public with the life, political and social situation of Muslims living mainly in the southeastern territories of Asia. This article provides a preliminary analysis of the materials of the Turkish press, in particular, the magazines Ṣırāṭ-ı Müstaqīm, Ta‘āruf-i Müslimīn and Ḥikmet about Chinese Muslims, as well as made an attempt to identify the main ideological aspects of Ottoman society, their attitude to the socio-political situation of Chinese Muslims.

scholarly journals NATIONAL ISSUE IN THE PROGRAMS OF RUSIN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FIRST CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC (1918–1938)

Rusin ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 149-165
Author(s):  
T.V. Pikovska ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Main Requirement ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
National Issue

The article focuses on the national issue in the programs of Rusin political parties during the Transcarpathian stay in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The author claims that the main requirement of most of political parties was the autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus. The refusal of the Czechoslovak authorities to comply with this demand led to an aggravation of the political situation in the region. The two most powerful ideological trends were Ukrainophilism and Russophilia. The multiethnicity of the Transcarpathian population contributed to the development of parties of other national minorities – Hungarian, Polish, Roma, and Jewish. The statewide parties were also popular in the region – the Communist and Czechoslovak Social Democratic. These two parties were among those few in the interwar Czechoslovakia that were built on the ideological rather than national basis. The highest number of parties during the period when Transcarpathia was part of Czechoslovakia was 30. Most of them emerged after 1918, while the process of formation of the overwhelming majority of Czech and Slovak parties took place in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Thus, these were new political parties at the initial stage of their development and without a clear organizational structure.

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