scholarly journals Are sirens effective tools to alert the population in France?

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (10) ◽  
pp. 2899-2920
Author(s):  
Johnny Douvinet ◽  
Anna Serra-Llobet ◽  
Esteban Bopp ◽  
G. Mathias Kondolf
Keyword(s):  
Cell Phone ◽  
Geographical Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cumulative Number ◽  
Actual Number ◽  
Alert System ◽  
The Public ◽  
Know How ◽  
The Past ◽  
Principal Tool

Abstract. In France, sirens have been the principal tool designated to alert the population in the case of danger. However, their efficacity has not been objectively tested. Using a geographical information system, questionnaires, and surveys, we analyzed (1) the spatial distribution of the siren network in relation to the covered population, the hazards threatening different areas, and the actual number of disasters that have occurred in the past, (2) the political dilemma of activating sirens, and (3) the population's trust in sirens, as well as its understanding of expected behavior in the case of an emergency. Results show that, with a few exceptions, siren coverage in France is primarily determined by population density, not by the expected hazards or the cumulative number of past disasters. Sirens are also rarely used by the authorities. However, surveyed members of the population identify sirens as the most effective alert system over other alternatives such as cell-phone-based alerting tools. In a “mock” emergency most members of the public did not know how to respond in the case of an emergency, and even most of those who correctly identified the appropriate response prior to the exercise did not react upon later hearing the siren. To improve the effectiveness of the French siren network, we recommend (1) relocating sirens to optimize their efficiency, (2) complementing the sound of sirens with a clear and unified message, (3) reorganizing the competencies to activate siren alerts, and finally (4) improving public education on different alert tools and expected behavior during an emergency.

scholarly journals El peso del Archivo: Notables daños de no guardar a los indios sus fueros (1571) del Licenciado Polo de Ondegardo

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 575-599
Author(s):  
Oscar Martin Aguierrez
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Economic Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Know How ◽  
Public Square ◽  
Geographic Space ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Project

The notion of Archive is central to know how the colonial logic marks the ways of appropriating America. The Archive is the beginning and the mandate (Derrida, 1997). It organizes, orders and institutes what the gods and men command. It imposes a dynamic in which the texts delimites a readers communities and excludes others comunities. In this articule, Notables daños de no guardar a los indios sus fueros (1571) of Polo of Ondegardo is presented catched into the networks of the Archive. This manuscript contributes to the consolidation of imperial policies introduced by Felipe II and delimits an inside and an outside of Archive. American nature and geographic space, the political system and the economic organization of the Incas, the past, the myth, all that enters into the Archive thanks to the writing. The writing becomes them in manipulable objects and it make them circulates like a secret. Meanwhile, on the outside of Archive, the bodies suffer the violence of a pacification political project that finishes with the death of Tupac Amaru I in the public square of Lima.

scholarly journals No news is better than evil news. Clearing up the way to face Alternative Archaeologies

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Jaime Almansa Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Public Archaeology ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Professional Discipline ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
Better Than ◽  
The Way

While Archaeology started to take form as a professional discipline, Alternative Archaeologies grew in several ways. As the years went by, the image of Archaeology started being corrupted by misconceptions and a lot of imagination, and those professionals that were claiming to be scientists forgot one of their first responsibilities; the public. This lack of interest is one of the reasons why today, a vast majority of society believes in many clichés of the past that alternative archaeologists have used to build a fictitious History that is not innocent at all. From UFOs and the mysteries of great civilizations to the political interpretation of the past, the dangers of Alternative Archaeologies are clear and under our responsibility. This paper analyzes this situation in order to propose a strategy that may make us the main characters of the popular imagery in the mid-term. Since confrontation and communication do not seem to be effective approaches, we need a change in the paradigm based on Public Archaeology and the increase of our presence in everyday life.

Rethinking Kant as a public intellectual

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-108
Author(s):  
Sofie Møller
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Moral Philosophy ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Ground ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past

In Kant’s Politics in Context, Reidar Maliks offers a compelling account of Kant’s political philosophy as part of a public debate on rights, citizenship, and revolution in the wake of the French Revolution. Maliks argues that Kant’s political thought was developed as a moderate middle ground between radical and conservative political interpretations of his moral philosophy. The book’s central thesis is that the key to understanding Kant’s legal and political thought lies in the public debate among Kant’s followers and that in this debate we find the political challenges which Kant’s political philosophy is designed to solve. Kant’s Politics in Context raises crucial questions about how to understand political thinkers of the past and is proof that our understanding of the past will remain fragmented if we limit our studies to the great men of the established canon.

The Lakefront Today

2021 ◽  
pp. 281-298
Author(s):  
Joseph D. Kearney ◽  
Thomas W. Merrill
Keyword(s):  
Public Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Boundary Line ◽  
Deep Tunnel ◽  
The South ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Public Trust Doctrine ◽  
The Future ◽  
Recent Developments

This chapter reviews how the political settlements and legal understandings canvassed in the account continue to affect the Chicago lakefront today. It offers brief snapshots of five more recent developments on the lakefront that reflect the influence of the past — and that may be indicative of the future. The chapter begins by recounting the boundary-line agreement of 1912 which planted the seeds of the Illinois Central's demise on the lakefront. Today, the railroad has largely disappeared from the lakefront, in both name and fact. The chapter then shifts to discuss the Ward cases, which continue to affect the shape of the lakefront. It chronicles the success of Millennium Park and the Illinois Supreme Court's demotion of the public dedication doctrine to a statutory right limited to Grant Park. The chapter also recounts the Deep Tunnel project and the challenges in the South Works site. Ultimately, it discusses the appearance of the public trust doctrine on the lakefront, being invoked by preservationist groups to challenge both a new museum and the construction of President Barack Obama's presidential library (called the Obama Presidential Center).

Color Bind: Lessons from the Failed Homeland Security Advisory System

2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob N. Shapiro ◽  
Dara Kay Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Homeland Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alert System ◽  
Protective Measures ◽  
The Public ◽  
Advisory System ◽  
Legal Traditions ◽  
Protective Actions ◽  
National Leaders

An effective terrorism alert system in a federal government has one central task: to motivate actors to take costly protective measures. The United States' color-coded Homeland Security Advisory System (HSAS) failed in this mission. In federal systems, national leaders cannot compel protective actions by setting an alert level; they must convince constituent governments and private parties that the desired actions are worth the costs. Such beliefs can be generated either by sharing the information behind an alert or by developing enough confidence in the alert system that the government's word alone suffices. The HSAS did neither, largely because it was not designed to generate confidence. Rather, the system's creators assumed that the public would trust the national leadership and believe in the utility of the system's information. Over time, as the HSAS became increasingly perceived as politically manipulated, there was no built-in mechanism to recover confidence in the system. An alternative, trust-based terrorist alert system could solve this problem. Building on the notion of “procedural fairness” from the psychological and legal traditions, this system would retain the political advantages of the HSAS, facilitate greater compliance among the requisite actors, and ameliorate many of the strategic problems inherent in terror alert systems.

scholarly journals The Political University in Argentina in the 1990's

2001 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Chiroleu ◽  
Osvaldo Iazzetta ◽  
Claudia Voras ◽  
Claudio Diaz
Keyword(s):  
Public Institution ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Autonomy ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Participation ◽  
National University ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Although university autonomy was apparently protected during Carlos Menem's government (1989-1999), actually it was gradually undergoing substantial changes. "Intrusive" devices had been prepared by the executive power, thus causing the restriction of its objectives. This kind of state participation was less explicit than in the past, being now associated with the establishment of a system of "punishment and reward," in which financing is subordinated to "performance," evaluated according to the parameters of multilateral credit organizations . In this work, we analyse the way in which this conflict took place under Menem's government, contrasting the meanings given to the idea of autonomy by the government and by the public institution; attentin focuses on the case of the National University of Rosario.

Restitution and the Politics of Repair

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdalena Zolkos
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Social Theory ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Thought ◽  
The West ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politics And Law

This book develops a political philosophic approach to restitution and repatriation of objects, by arguing that the development of restitutive norms in the West has been auxiliary to the emergence of modern state sovereignty. It draws on critiques of international law of cultural heritage return, and of its Western humanistic underpinnings, including the ontological binary distinction between things and persons. Rather than accept the restitutive goals of politics and law seeking to do justice for the past and to ‘undo’ the expropriations and dispossessions that have occurred, and are still occurring (be it in contexts of coloniality or war), this book looks at the limits and aporias of restitution in texts of philosophy, literature and social theory. As such, it identifies figures and objects situated beyond the possibility of restitution and repair. This includes analysis of the social fantasies and imaginaries that ‘prop’ our contemporary reparative politics—making the past ‘unhappen’, or cancelling out the occurrence of wrongs. What the analysed texts have in common is that they articulate restitution through the motifs of undoing and making-unhappen, as a reparative and curative procedure, and a prelapsarian return to a place, time or condition prior to the event of violence. Insofar as this reading uncovers the mythical-religious ‘substrate’ of the restitutive tradition, and illuminates the political and affective allures of prelapsarianism, this book also offers insights into Western secularism, not as disappearance of religious thought in the public domain, but as its ‘repression’ (in a psychoanalytic sense).

Tacitus's Dangerous Word

2004 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly Haynes
Keyword(s):  
Public Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Empty Site ◽  
Political Unconscious ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Republic

AbstractThe fact that vocabulum appears with far more frequency in Tacitus' texts than in any other author except for the encyclopaedists argues for his idiosyncratic usage of the term. This article argues that imperial discourse, nearly identical in structure and expression to that of the Republic but divorced from Republican connotations, provided an empty site where Roman fantasies of self-definition took strong hold, and that Tacitus uses vocabulum to indicate words and concepts that illustrate this process, particularly with reference to representations of the foreign and the past. Such a discourse was congenial for the concentration of power in the hands of one person, as it no longer expressed the conflicting desires of a community engaged in public affairs, but collectivized the public desire for an image of Roman superiority. Thus Germany and the old Republican past were easily mythologized as what Rome desired to be, but feared it was not. Tacitus' use of vocabulum highlights the words in imperial discourse that betray the gap in the political unconscious between Romans' idea of themselves as masters of the Empire and as slaves to one ruler. Nor does he position himself as an outside observer of this process, but creates an experience of it for the reader through gaps and inconsistencies within his narrative.

scholarly journals The principle of exclusive citizenship and a foreigner's status

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Predrag Terzić
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Public Sphere

The process of creating a modern state and forming political institutions corresponds to the process of transforming the subjects of the past into a community constituted on the principle of citizenship. The citizen becomes the foundation of the political community and the subject, which in interaction with other citizens, forms the public sphere. However, this does not mean that all members of the community have the same rights and obligations contained in the status of a citizen. Excluding certain categories of residents from the principle of citizenship raises a number of issues that delegitimize the existing order by colliding with the ideas of justice, freedom and equality. The aim of this short research is to clarify the principle of citizenship, its main manifestations and excluded subjects, as well as the causes that are at the root of the concept of exclusive citizenship. A brief presentation of the idea of multiculturalism does not intend to fully analytically explain this concept, but only to present in outline one of the ways of overcoming the issue of exclusive citizenship. In order to determine the social significance of the topic, a part of the text is dedicated to the ideas that form the basis of an exclusive understanding of citizenship, the reasons for its application and the far-reaching consequences of social tensions and unrest, which cannot be ignored.

scholarly journals Que font les communicants pour sauver leur métier ?

2017 ◽  
pp. 78-99
Author(s):  
Ivan Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Know How ◽  
The Past ◽  
Everyday Practices ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Way

Les métiers de la fonction communication dans les organisations publiques françaises de sécurité sociale ont beaucoup évolué depuis deux décennies. Si dans les entreprises privées, la mise en place des services communication a été accompagnée par une prise de conscience du rôle et de la valeur des métiers de la fonction communication, dans les organisations publiques, les communicants sont toujours en train de chercher une reconnaissance et une légitimité de leur savoir- faire et de leurs compétences. Le manque de règlementation interne et externe et de cadres institutionnels de reconnaissance professionnelle oblige les communicants à chercher des voies pour préserver l’intégrité de leurs services qui est menacée par la réduction de leurs effectifs. Cette recherche s’intéresse à la façon dont les communicants publics tentent de garantir l’existence de leur métier, en projetant une image voulue et valorisée de soi. Dans cette quête de légitimité professionnelle, la métacommunication devient une des missions fondamentales des communicants dans la recherche de reconnaissance de la « typicité » de leur métier. The every-day activities of the communication practitioners in the French public organizations have evolved deeply for the past two decades. The establishment of the communication departments in the private companies was backed by the growing awareness of its primacy and the increasing strategic role of the communicator’s profession. In contrast, the communication practitioners in the public organizations are still on the quest for recognition of their legitimacy and know-how, because of the lack of internal and institutional regulations and rule-makings. This research aims to investigate the way in which the communication practitioners in the organizations of the public sector attempt to guarantee the existence of their profession through self-work everyday practices. In this struggle for professional legitimacy, the meta-communication becomes one of the fundamental missions of the communication departments in order to acquire recognition of their professional « typicity ».

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