scholarly journals Occupy Wall Street, the Global Crisis, and Antisystemic Movements

2013 ◽  
pp. 186-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. Reifer

The ancient discussion about the purposes of wealth and the conflict between oligarchy- rule of the rich - and democracy- the rule of the demos/the people comes to the fore once again within the current systemic crisis, from the Arab Spring to the Occupy protests, to the Arab Fall. Even as counterrevolution and growing regional and global turbulence - political, economic and military - appear to be triumphing over the new wave of democratic revolutions and rebellions, at least in the Arab world, with the threat of regional and global conflagration all too real, the underlying structural causes reality of a militarized capitalist world-system in deep crisis will ensure continued waves of antisystemic protests for years to come.

Author(s):  
Larbi Sadiki

This chapter looks at the Arab uprisings and their outcomes, approaching them from the perspective of the peoples of the region. The Arab uprisings are conceived of as popular uprisings against aged and mostly despotic governments, which have long silenced popular dissent. Ultimately, the Arab uprisings demonstrate the weakness of traditional international relations, with its focus on states and power, by showing how much the people matter. Even if the Arab uprisings have not yet delivered on popular expectations, and the Arab world continues to be subject to external interference and persistent authoritarian rule, they are part of a process of global protest and change, facilitated by new media and technology, which challenges the dominant international relations theories.


Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser

This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 478-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Anderson

Although they produced vastly more turmoil, the uprisings in the Arab world shared many characteristics with other early 21st-century popular protests on both the left and the right, from Spain’s Indignados and Occupy Wall Street to the anti-elite votes for Brexit and Trump. The conviction that political elites and the states they rule, which were once responsible for welfare and development, now ignore and demean the interests and concerns of ordinary citizens takes many forms, but is virtually universal. The Arab world was only one site of this discontent, but the story of the Arab Spring insurrections provides a cautionary illustration of the perils in abdication of political authority and accountability and provokes questions about how we understand historical moments when passions outstrip interests.


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Negin Nabavi

Revolutions are by nature unpredictable and unsettling. That the wave of revolutions in North Africa and the Arab Middle East began so unexpectedly and spread with such speed, leading to the fall of the governments of Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, has added to the concern regarding the “new order” that is to come after the initial euphoria. From the outset, the fear has been that these revolutions will follow the same trajectory as Iran did in 1979—in other words, that they will marginalize those who launched the revolutions and provide the grounds for the rise to power of the most savvy, purposeful, and best organized of the opposition groups, namely, the Islamists. Yet when one considers the recent uprisings in the Arab world through the prism of Iran's experiences in 1979, the parallels are not so evident. Mindful of the variations and distinctions between each of the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, it would appear that in broad terms, and beyond superficial similarities, there is little in common between the events of Iran in 1979 and what has happened in the past year in the Arab world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziyad Falahi

This article examines the future of Occupy, which has become a leaderless resistance movement with people of many colors, genders, and political beliefs that say together that the neoliberal system isn't working for us. Moreover, now the Zuccotti model is morphing, and Occupy is undergoing a period of sustained global innovation. However, several large demonstrations have taken place all over the world in recent years after global crisis in 2008. But, The ancient discussion about the purposes of wealth and the conflict between oligarchy - rule of the rich - and democracy - the rule of the demos/the people comes to the fore once again within the current systemic crisis, The problems appear when Occupy use the development of information and social media to call for social, economic justice because the advance of Informations era led dramatical reduction of reality, which often called by "hiperreality". This condition causes occupy participant increases rapidly, but without strategic, plan and ideology.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 124-127
Author(s):  
Mohd Yaseen Gada

The Arab Spring, which began in December 2010, mobilized the Arab massesto depose once-uncontestable autocratic rulers. Many observers predicted thatthis regional uprising would move the Arab world from autocracy to democracyin no time. However, the present scenario speaks to the contrary. Althoughmany are struggling to understand its long-term effects, one thing iscertain: This ongoing event has engendered a significant change in the people’ssociopolitical awareness. Consequently, many writers have approachedit from various social, political, economic, and religious aspects.The book under review seeks to examine and explore this subjectthrough a unique and different aspect: the contribution of “civic entrepreneurship,” defined as an innovative, non-violent, and peaceful “citizen-driveneffort to mobilize communities to respond to opportunities or crises in orderto advance the collective good” (p. 2). In its seven chapters, the author emphasizesthe revolution’s non-violent roots under three main sections: “CivicEntrepreneurship in Politics and Society, Civic Entrepreneurship in Art andCulture, and Civic Entrepreneurship in Technology Startups” (p. 3). Thefirst three chapters attempt to form the theoretical foundation for her mainargument ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-75
Author(s):  
Carmen Dominte

During the nineties, a new theatrical trend developed. It was called New European Drama or New Writing. It was represented by authors such as the British Sarah Kane, Mark Ravenhill or the German playwright Marius von Mayernburg. The classical theatre will never be able to return to itself, unless giving the spectator the utopian sense of life that only a staged play could perform, not from a delusive perspective, but from a real and personalized perspective, giving a certain meaning to reality. Being against the conservatory type, the authors put an end to all the theatrical conventions. They considered that it had to come to a point of changing the old patterns, of introducing new themes, new structures, new means of performing in the attempt of seducing and shocking the audience. Most of the dramatic texts focus on the plots about hard human existence such as racism, madness, suicide, sexuality, drug addiction and any type of abuse. The language is vulgar and slangy. All the dramatic texts when performed on stage invade the personal space of the people watching, who is now considered one of the characters. It is not only the dramatic text that is taken into consideration, but the performance itself. The new type of theatre developed in Russia, Poland and Romania, giving specific projects (Teatr.doc, The Drama Laboratory and DramAcum). All were influenced by the verbatim dramatic style performed in theatres under the slogan of the in-yer-face. The study intends to explore the importance of the Romanian theatrical project – DramAcum, as a new type of theatre and dramaturgy.    


Politik ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjørn Olav Utvik

The political successes of Islamists following the Arab uprisings of 2011 makes understanding Islamism more important than ever. ey have long been central to oppositional politics in the Arab world. Now they may well become a dominant factor in the emerging new regimes. A necessary starting point is to recognise that the Islamists played a pivotal role in the Arab spring from the start. Furthermore, to grasp the possible ways in which the Islamists may in uence developments to come, research must turn away from essentialising their Islamic ideology and discover the contradictory impulses driving these complex and dynamic social movements. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew D Hudson-Flege

The popular uprisings of the Arab Spring have had a profound impact in the Arab World and beyond, and numerous researchers and commentators have explored the causes of these events. The present study sought to build upon an empirical exploration of political, economic, and social predictive factors of Arab Spring intensity by incorporating measures of countries' respect for human rights. Ordinal regression analyses found that countries' scores on the Cingranelli-Richards (CIRI) Physical Integrity Rights Index in 2010 significantly predicted levels of unrest experienced during the Arab Spring, such that countries who demonstrated less respect for physical integrity human rights experienced higher levels of unrest during the Arab Spring. The implications for future research and policy are discussed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-163
Author(s):  
Jay Willoughby

On November 18, 2014, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, founder and board member,IIIT; leader of the Malaysian opposition; and former deputy prime ministerof Malaysia, shared his “Reflections on the Aftermath of the Arab Spring” withthe general public at the IIIT headquarters in Herndon, VA.He opened with “O you who believe! Obey Allah and obey the Apostleand those in authority from among you” (Q. 4:59), which he considers one ofthe Qur’an’s “most used and abused verses.” In addition to being used to supportdemocracy, it is abused by many others to demand the masses’ supportfor dictators, authoritarian, and military junta rule regardless of how they aretreated. This verse also highlights an issue that has rocked the Arab world eversince December 17, 2010, when Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi sethimself on fire to protest the continued abuse and harassment inflicted uponhim by the Tunisian police force: the issue of governmental legitimacy, whichis a problem in both the West and the Muslim world. Anwar stated that thegovernment must represent a majority consensus, respect some process (e.g.,democracy), and allow people the freedom of expression so that they can expresstheir support, disgust, or opposition.The Arabs’ demand for legitimate governance has been on the mind ofIIIT as well, for its leaders have spent the last decade addressing this concernfrom the point of view of the maqāṣid. Anwar traced this concern back to along-ago meeting when several of the IIIT founders were discussing why therewas no Muslim equivalent of the “Western canon,” the “Great Books,” a “greatintellectual tradition.” This was the start of an ongoing process to fill this gapin contemporary Muslim literature.The outbreak of Arab Spring clearly revealed that there is still a need todeal with ethics in governance, for lasting reform can only be actualized inthe form of systems. The ongoing abuse, corruption, repression, and brutalityinflicted upon the people by their own leaders is, according to him, something ...


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