scholarly journals INSTAGRAM AND THE MEMED SELF

Author(s):  
Wade Keye

The irreverent, bizarre and deeply political work of Instagram meme artists serves as a potent rejoinder to the claim that “the left can’t meme” In their commitment to a constantly moving mix of politics and absurdism, IG memers have something in common with the Alt-Right despite their completely opposed politics. Many of these well-followed accounts have developed a signature brand of humor and aesthetics while cultivating loyal fans. These “meme lords” are part of a recent wave in online culture I’m calling “weird Instagram.” Named for Facebook precursor, weird Instagram might best be differentiated by the much greater inclusion of self in meme production. In this paper I’ll discuss this phenomenon in its platform specificity, using the work of two prominent meme artists to exemplify the phenomenon.

Author(s):  
Ellen Anne McLarney

This chapter focuses on the work of Heba Raouf Ezzat. Ranked the thirty-ninth most influential Arab on Twitter, with over 100,000 followers, voted one of the hundred most powerful Arab women by ArabianBusiness.com, and elected a Youth Global Leader by the World Economic Forum, Raouf Ezzat has articulated and disseminated her Islamic politics in a global public sphere. Her writings and lectures develop an Islamic theory of women's political participation but simultaneously address other contested questions about women's leadership, women's work, and women's participation in the public sphere. Heba Raouf Ezzat is one of the most visible public figures in the Arab and Islamic world today, a visibility that began with her book on the question of women's political work in Islam, Woman and Political Work.


Author(s):  
Asunción Herrera Guevara

resumenLa moralidad que se exige al individuo actual sólo se dará en una sociedad liberada. Cómo conseguir ambos aspectos es el quehacer moral y político más acuciante. En este artículo dilucidaré una respuesta buscando una lógica diferente a la binaria que permita desenmascarar la distancia tajante entre cuestiones de justicia y cuestiones de la vida buena. Partiré de la necesidad de encontrar un puente entre lo cognitivo y lo ético (I). Dos serán las propuestas que nos permitan escapar de las falsas reconciliaciones entre lo justo y lo bueno (II). La primera vendrá de la mano de Kierkegaard (II.1); la segunda de la obra de Adorno (II.2).palabras clavejusticia-vida buena-contradicción-falsa alternativaAbstractWe claim to current human a morality within of an emancipated society. The moral and political work must get both requirements. This paper reviews the distance between Justice and Good Life. I will try to find a link between both moral concepts (I). The paper shows the solution to problem in two Thinker (II). The first about the Philosophy of Kierkegaard (II.1) ; the second about the Philosophy of Adorno (II.2).keys wordsjustice- good life- contradiction- wrong alternative


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
A.V. Sosnin

The subject of the study establishes the nature of the legal profession, peculiarities of formation of the legal profession of the nineteenth century, and the conditions past development of the legal profession in the Russian Empire and the first steps in the reformation of jury legal profession, providing information on references to judicial representation in the oldest monuments of the Russian Empire of the XIX century. Some features of the judicial counter-reform of 1864, which served as the beginning of the emergence and appearance of the juried bar, are described. The problems worthy on the way of self-origin and improvement of legal Institute of bar, the developed aspects of the organization and work of bar in the course of its formation were revealed. The embodiment of the ancient and later foundations of independence, the legality of corporatism, self-government and equality of lawyers. The test of reconstruction of one of the first and important legal institutions of representation of judicial and source studies of the Russian Empire is carried out. The key conclusions that determined the practice of our time, state political work, which formed the basis of the judicial and legal system of the state, are established.


Author(s):  
Michael Goodhart

This chapter puts many of the ideas outlined previously to work in considering the problem of responsibility for systemic injustice. Building on the insights of Iris Marion Young and Marion Smiley, it argues that responsibility must be reconceptualized as a political rather than a philosophical problem and that its solution lies in counterhegemonic political struggles over the meaning of injustice itself. The chapter shows, in a concrete way, what such struggles might look like, describing the ways in which social conventions and interpretations structure our thinking about responsibility and what might be done to challenge and change them. It concludes that to take responsibility for injustice is to take up this political work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noura Erakat ◽  
Marc Lamont Hill

This introductory essay outlines the context for this special issue of the Journal of Palestine Studies on Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity (BPTS). Through the analytic of “renewal,” the authors point to the recent increase in individual and collective energies directed toward developing effective, reciprocal, and transformative political relationships within various African-descendant and Palestinian communities around the world. Drawing from the extant BPTS literature, this essay examines the prominent intellectual currents in the field and points to new methodologies and analytics that are required to move the field forward. With this essay, the authors aim not only to contextualize the field and to frame this special issue, but also to chart new directions for future intellectual and political work.


Author(s):  
Gulnara I. Bayazitova ◽  
Lidiya Yu. Korge

This article studies the first German translation of the “Six Books on the Republic” by the French lawyer and philosopher Jean Boden, published in 1592. Particular attention is paid to the preface to the treatise, which was written by the translator, a Lutheran priest Johann Oswaldt. There, Oswaldt sets out his position on the “Republic” as well as points out the need for this translation and the relevance of Boden’s treatise for monarchs and rulers. Oswaldt’s foreword is remarkable, firstly, for the terminological synthesis that he carries out. Relying on Boden’s both French and Latin manuscripts of “The Republic”, he carefully selects appropriate German terms to convey their connotations. Second, the German translation of “The Republic” opens the possibility of following the reception of Jean Boden’s ideas in Germany. The authors of this article come to the conclusion that Oswaldt had a practical purpose when he translated the main political work that substantiated the theory of sovereignty. The dedication of the translation to the Duke of Württemberg and the Count of Mümpelgard politicizes his scholarly effort. In fact, following Boden himself, Oswaldt aims to make “The Republic” read and utilized by his patrons. In the long term, the implementation of the ideas outlined in “The Republic” will lead to the foundation of the sovereignty of Württemberg. At the same time, the study of the first German translation has further research implications, since it outlines the area of distribution of Boden’s treatise on the European continent. The German translation followed the Italian and Spanish editions, but appeared earlier than the English translation. Hence, this article might pave the way for studying the reception of the theory of sovereignty in the works of German authors in Russian historiography.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-68
Author(s):  
Ben Ahmed Hougua ◽  
El Amine Rachid ◽  
Siyouri Hind

The general orientation to authority in Moroccan society is associated with dynamics that characterize it at the basic social level. Respect for authority tends to take the form of a syndrome forged in the sphere of convergent styles of family, pedagogical, and professional socialization, before being expressed as political loyalty. This articulation is at the very heart of the theory of congruence developed by Harry Eickstein, and recently taken up by other political scientists. The main idea put forward by the proponents of this theory is that the stability of the government is brought to bear when the models of authority on which it rests enjoy social fascination. The purpose of this article is to study the relationship between respect for authority in the three spheres of social and political work based on World Values Survey (WVS) data on Moroccan society (N = 3651) including the family, workplace, and political world. The examination of the general configuration of the orientation to authority is parameterized according to the individualistic and collectivist profiles constructed in the WVS database, as categorical variables.


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