scholarly journals Nutrition of children in orphanages in the Moldavian SSR (1944–1947)

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Adrian Dolghi ◽  

In this article, we elucidate the problem of providing food products to orphanages in the Moldavian SSR in the years 1944–1947. The research found that the expansion of the orphanage network in the MSSR in the post-war years was due to the social policy of reducing the number of wandering and orphaned children suffering from hunger. The number of orphanages increased during the famine, and gradually decreased after its overcoming. The controls carried out by the authorities in the field of education and healthcare found serious gaps in the process of providing food to orphanages, irregularities in the management of products and even abuse of staff towards children. These realities aggravated the situation of children in orphanages, who were affected by the difficult family situation, famine and precarious conditions in institutions. Survivors’ testimonies show that most of the orphans who were taken to orphanages were rescued from starvation, and in some cases, when taken by relatives for maintenance, they died. The archive documents, but also the testimonies of the survivors show that the difficult situation of the children in the post-war years, the starvation, the vagrancy, the increase in the number of orphaned children, etc. were a consequence of the totalitarian politics and the irresponsibility of the local authorities.

Transilvania ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 50-57
Author(s):  
Adrian Dolghi

The article elucidates the evolution of the orphanage network in Moldovan SSAR and Moldovan SSR in relation to the socio-economic realities and the social policy of the Soviet state. By analysing the statistical data, we show that the expansion of the orphanage network in the MSSAR (1924-1940) and in the MSSR in 1944-1961 is due to the social policy of reducing the number of homeless and orphaned children suffering from hunger. We conclude that the number of orphanages increased during the famine, and decreased only after mitigating its consequences in the early 1950s. The Soviet state, on the one hand, provoked the humanitarian crisis in the MSSR, and on the other hand, proved to be “humane” by organizing an extensive network of orphanages intended to save children. The difficult situation of children in the post-war years, the starvation, vagrancy, the increased number of orphaned children, etc. was the consequence of the totalitarian politics and of the irresponsibility of local authorities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 41-66
Author(s):  
Daniel Zamora Vargas

AbstractThe recent revival for ‘Basic Income’ both in the United States and Europe has been the object of a considerable literature. However, vastly concentrated on philosophical, sociological or technical issues, the history of ‘UBI’ itself, has yet rarely been the object of serious scholarly attention. Aside from a few exceptions, the reason for its ‘success’ have not been extensively examined. Beyond decontextualized accounts we’ll explain the reasons of the stark dissemination of the proposal beginning in the early sixties in the United States. In that perspective, we’ll argue that the rising fascination for basic income was part of a wider transformation of the Keynesian paradigm and categories that had shaped the social and economic thought of the post-war order.


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Glennerster ◽  
Anne Power ◽  
Tony Travers

ABSTRACTA succession of Acts of Parliament passed between 1988 and 1990 mark the most decisive break in British social policy since the period between 1944 and 1948. This paper examines the extent to which common principles underlie this legislation. One of the most important common elements has been the reduction in the powers of local government and in the presumption that local authorities should be the main providers of social welfare outside the social security system. Schools, housing estates and social care services are to be given greater powers to run themselves or to become separate organisations. Local authorities are to use their resources to fund and contract with external agencies. The possible outcomes of this change in governance are discussed.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Zachary Nowak ◽  
Bradley M. Jones ◽  
Elisa Ascione

This article begins with a parody, a fictitious set of regulations for the production of “traditional” Italian polenta. Through analysis of primary and secondary historical sources we then discuss the various meanings of which polenta has been the bearer through time and space in order to emphasize the mutability of the modes of preparation, ingredients, and the social value of traditional food products. Finally, we situate polenta within its broader cultural, political, and economic contexts, underlining the uses and abuses of rendering foods as traditional—a process always incomplete, often contested, never organic. In stirring up the past and present of polenta and placing it within both the projects of Italian identity creation and the broader scholarly literature on culinary tradition and taste, we emphasize that for so-called traditional foods to be saved, they must be continually reinvented.


2020 ◽  
Vol 338 ◽  
pp. 265-275
Author(s):  
Daniel Zimmermann

In July 2019 the new president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, presented her guidelines for the period of presidency 2019-2024. While most proposals perpetuate the current reform agenda, the focus on the social dimension of the single market is remarkable. Von der Leyen has not only announced the full implementation of the European Pillar on Social Rights, but also highlighted new investment in digital competences seen as a key to competitiveness and innovation of the European economy. This paper will discuss whether the dynamics of the digital single market could lead to a new impetus on EU social policy and on European funding of training programmes. Therefore, an overview of significant funding programmes promoting digital skills is given.


Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-272
Author(s):  
Venelin Terziev ◽  
Preslava Dimitrova

The social policy of a country is a set of specific activities aimed at regulating the social relations between different in their social status subjects. This approach to clarifying social policy is also called functional and essentially addresses social policy as an activity to regulate the relationship of equality or inequality in society. It provides an opportunity to look for inequalities in the economic positions of individuals in relation to ownership, labor and working conditions, distribution of income and consumption, social security and health, to look for the sources of these inequalities and their social justification or undue application.The modern state takes on social functions that seek to regulate imbalances, to protect weak social positions and prevent the disintegration of the social system. It regulates the processes in society by harmonizing interests and opposing marginalization. Every modern country develops social activities that reflect the specifics of a particular society, correspond to its economic, political and cultural status. They are the result of political decisions aimed at directing and regulating the process of adaptation of the national society to the transformations of the market environment. Social policy is at the heart of the development and governance of each country. Despite the fact that too many factors and problems affect it, it largely determines the physical and mental state of the population as well as the relationships and interrelationships between people. On the other hand, social policy allows for a more global study and solving of vital social problems of civil society. On the basis of the programs and actions of political parties and state bodies, the guidelines for the development of society are outlined. Social policy should be seen as an activity to regulate the relationship of equality or inequality between different individuals and social groups in society. Its importance is determined by the possibility of establishing on the basis of the complex approach: the economic positions of the different social groups and individuals, by determining the differences between them in terms of income, consumption, working conditions, health, etc .; to explain the causes of inequality; to look for concrete and specific measures to overcome the emerging social disparities.


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