scholarly journals Entre o mundo da casa e o espaço público: um plebiscito sobre a educação da mulher (Rio de Janeiro, 1906) / Between the domestic world and the public space: a plebiscite on women's education (Rio de Janeiro, 1906)

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Irma Rizzini ◽  
Alessandra Frota Martinez de Schueler

Partindo da análise dos processos de expansão das formas de participação das mulheres no espaço público e da escolarização feminina na cidade do Rio de Janeiro das últimas décadas do século XIX, este artigo é fruto de uma investigação sobre o plebiscito realizado em 1906 pelo jornal de circulação diária, O Paiz, sobre a educação da mulher e os gêneros de trabalho que ela poderia exercer “sem decair”. Durante o mês de abril de 1906, cartas, supostamente escritas por leitores e leitoras, foram publicadas na coluna “Como deve ser educada a mulher”. A abordagem está centrada nas contribuições da história das mulheres com base na perspectiva da construção social das relações de gênero, flexionando-as no plural e conjugando-as a partir de uma perspectiva relacional. Verificou-se, pelos textos das cartas, a polissemia da expressão “emancipação da mulher” no período, sendo necessário atentar para os seus vários sentidos. O exercício do magistério é o ponto de consenso entre os participantes do plebiscito, tendo em vista a “tradição inventada” no século XIX da associação do ensino de crianças a uma suposta natureza feminina, uma construção que poucas participantes ousaram contestar nas cartas. O acesso à imprensa possibilitou a manifestação de alguns dos anseios quanto às posições ocupadas por mulheres naquela sociedade, sobretudo as letradas, que vislumbravam na educação a possibilidade de obter autonomia, reconhecimento e ascensão profissional.* * *Based on the analysis of the processes of expansion of women’s participation in public space and feminine schooling in the city of Rio de Janeiro during the last decades of the nineteenth century, this article is the result of an investigation on a plebiscite conducted in 1906 by the daily newspaper, O Paiz, about women’s education and the labor genres that they could perform “without decadence”. During the month of April, 1906, letters, allegedly written by readers, were published in the column “How Women Should Be Educated”. The approach focuses on the contributions of women’s history based on the perspective of social construction of gender relations, using them in plural form and from a relational perspective. The polysemy of the expression “emancipation of women” in the period was verified by the texts contained in the letters, and it was necessary to pay attention to their several meanings. The exercise of teaching is a point of consensus among participants in the plebiscite, considering the nineteenth-century “invented tradition” related to the association between teaching children and an alleged feminine nature, a construction that few participants dared to challenge in the letters. The access to the daily press made it possible to express some of the anxieties about the positions occupied by women in that society, particularly those who were literate and saw education as a possibility of obtaining autonomy, recognition and professional ascension.

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Patrícia Silveira de Farias

Resumo: Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre as noções de democracia, democracia racial e ordem social, a partir da análise do processo de construção de duas pesquisas efetuadas sobre um mesmo espaço: a orla do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil – em dois momentos distintos: a virada do século XX para o XXI e os anos 10 de século XXI. As noções acima citadas são estudadas a partir dos pontos de vista dos diversos segmentos sociais que frequentam e trabalham no local, inclusive agentes do Estado, no caso do segundo momento, que privilegia a ação de segurança pública intitulada “Choque de Ordem”. Para isso, usou-se metodologia qualitativa, através de entrevistas em profundidade e etnografia, além de levantamento documental de leis, ordenamentos e pesquisa bibliográfica sobre tais temáticas. Como conclusões, salienta-se que as formas de entendimento do que seja democracia e ordem dependem da posição que cada grupo social ocupa na sociedade brasileira mais ampla, e são atravessadas e modeladas por critérios étnico-raciais e de classe. Observa-se também a importância política que o espaço público praia assume para dar visibilidade às disputas de sentido em torno de questões como igualdade, liberdade e hierarquias de classe e de cor na sociedade brasileira.Palavras-chave: praia; ordem social; “Choque de Ordem”; democracia. ***Abstract:  This paper is intended to discuss the notions of democracy, racial democracy and social order, by analyzing the building process of two researches which focused the same place: Rio de Janeiro’s beaches, in Brazil. These two researches took place at distinct historical moments; one, at the last years of XX century, and the other, in the first decade of the XXI century. The notions cited above are studied from the perspectives of the various social segments that frequently go or work there, especially State agents which are part of the public policy named “Choque de Ordem” (a kind of “Order Assault”). In order to do this, these researches are based on qualitative methodology, with interviews and ethnography, and also on documental study of the laws which inflects on this public territory, and bibliographic research on these issues. As a conclusion, the article points out that the way people understand democracy and social order will depend on the position each group has in the broader Brazilian society, and that these ideas are tied to and are modeled by ethnic and class criteria.  Its stresses also the political relevance that this public space, the beach, assumes, in order to give visibility to the dispute around the meaning of equality, freedom and hierarchies of color/race and class in Brazilian society.Key words: beach; social order; “Choque de Ordem”; democracy. ***Resumen:Este paper presenta una discusión de las ideas de democracia, democracia racial y orden social, a partir de la análisis del proceso de construcción de dos pesquisas efectuadas en lo mismo local: las playas de Rio de Janeiro, en Brasil, en dos momentos distintos: fines del siglo XX e mediados del siglo XXI. Las dichas nociones son analizadas a partir del punto de vista de los diversos segmentos sociales que van o trabajan en este local, incluso agentes del Estado, en lo segundo momento, que se detiene en la acción de seguridad publica denominada el “Choque de Ordem”. Para eso, se usó la metodología cualitativa, con base en entrevistas y etnografía, y también en las leyes, ordenamientos e demás estudios sobre tales temáticas. Como conclusiones, enfatizase que las formas de comprenderse el significado de democracia y de orden dependen de la posición que cada grupo social tiene en la sociedad brasileña más amplia, y son travesadas y modeladas por criterios etnicoraciales y de clase social. Observase también la importancia política que éste espacio público, la playa, asume en dar visibilidad a las disputas de sentido sobre asuntos como igualdad, libertad y jerarquías de clase y de color en la sociedad brasileña.Palabras clave: playa; orden social; “Choque de Ordem”; democracia.       


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (S28) ◽  
pp. 225-236
Author(s):  
Ana Lucia Araujo

AbstractThis afterword engages with the theme of this Special Issue by discussing the significance of urban slavery in slave societies and societies where chattel slavery existed in Europe, Africa, and the Americas. It discusses how, despite the omnipresence of slavery in cities such as Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, New York, and Charleston, the tangible traces of the inhuman institution were gradually erased from the public space. It also emphasizes that, despite this annihilation, over the last three decades, black social actors have made significant interventions to make the slavery past of Atlantic cities visible again.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 261-284
Author(s):  
Ilze Boldāne-Zeļenkova

Abstract In the second half of the nineteenth century, Latvians, like several other non-dominant nations that were part of large European empires, actively argued for their status as a nation and fought for the right to be equal partners in economy and politics and for the recognition of their culture. The process of constructing an ethnic identity involves not only inclusion, but also the formation of boundaries and exclusion, defining characteristics in the public space that separate the group Us from Others, that is, other members of society as well as complete strangers. Groups offering ethnographic and freak shows stopped by the Russian imperial city of Riga with guest performances, arousing interest in the local public. The performers exhibited at ethnographic shows were the different others against the background of local others, and Latvians viewed them with more compassion than sense of superiority.


Hawwa ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoda Elsadda

AbstractThe first years of the 21st century in Egypt saw a marked movement by women activists and groups in Egypt to lobby for appointing women judges. The debate around the issue included arguments about women's "natural" roles, about their lesser abilities, and about the necessity of maintaining their place in the home to safeguard Arab cultural identity. In general, these debates posited domesticity as a marker of Arab identity and cultural specificity. I argue that domesticity is a modernist ideology that was transfigured into a representation of an essential Arab cultural identity which needed to be guarded and preserved. I also emphasize that discourses on domesticity were not the only existing discourses propagated in the nineteenth century. Zeinab Fawwaz's journey through history in search for women's participation in the public sphere can be interpreted as a clear challenge to the modernist binary opposition between a backward past and a modern, enlightened present. At the same time, it constituted a subversive narrative to the dominant narrative on domesticity. Similarly, Aisha Taymur's project did not dismiss tradition but sought to engage with it on its own premises in an attempt to argue for women's right.


Pedagogika ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-249
Author(s):  
Algirdas Gaižutis ◽  
Jurgita Subačiūtė

Analysing youth aggression topic in the press, it is noted that only statistics of youth aggression cases revealed in the public space is represented. There are no records reflecting the real situation. In this instance, the mass media, which is controlling the thoughts of society, has mostly influence to public attitude formation on youth aggression question. It is often based on stereotypes and myths, in that way representing the vision of distorted reality. The aim of this paper is to ascertain how is represented youth aggression topic in the mass media, and what is its formed image of inseparable from aggression informal groups of young people such as ultras (extreme football fans) and skinheads (nationalist attitude).After having analysed the numbers of daily newspaper Lietuvos rytas (January–December of 2011), 99 articles on youth aggression topic were detected. It is noted, that there are no articles about aggression of young people living in the wealthy and rich families. So the mass media is forming a view, that youth aggression mostly occurs in asocial families, whereas in wealthy families this problem simply does not exist. With regard to the portrayal of youth aggression in Lietuvos rytas, as well as paying attention to the fact that trust in the mass media in Lithuania goes up to 70 percent, we can state that readers form themselves a distorted vision of reality.The most common youth aggression cases represented in the mass media are − younger or peer sexual abuse, as well as a large demonstration of transaggression - aggression used to achieve the objective. Most of the images published in the press are attributed to anger aggression and aggressors are depicted as asocial, intoxicating substances tend to use young people. Analysing Lietuvos rytas (2011), as well as reviewing other newspapers (Lietuvos rytas (2007, 2008), Lietuvos Aidas (2008), Merkio kraštas (2011)) in search of information on Lithuania‘s ultras and skinheads formed image, we have to state that public opinion towards ultras and skinheads is formed mostly not by personal experience (communication, confrontation with them), but by mass media which is the main source of information absorbed by members of the society.


Author(s):  
David Churchill

This chapter assesses the impact of policing on urban order. It argues that the nineteenth-century police forces were especially attentive to local perceptions of nuisance and improvement in their efforts to tame urban popular culture and to sanitize urban public space. Police efforts to impose public order were modified by structural constraints, exercise of discretion in law enforcement, and resistance on the part of the public. And yet, the psychological repercussions of street order policing were profound, as large sections of the urban population came under an unprecedented level of official scrutiny. Hence, this chapter argues that—faced with a highly officious and, at times, repressive form of police authority—the urban public became ‘police-conscious’ in the nineteenth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Amit Kumar Gupta

The first museum to be set up in India in 1814 by the British Orientalists underwent a significant change when the Government of India took it over in 1858. The change was shaped by the experience of the great Indian uprising of 1857 to which, most importantly, the ordinary people (artisans, peasants, the unemployed etc.) rallied. Though the Raj succeeded eventually in suppressing the Revolt, its officials were deeply disturbed by the popular uprising and its effects. Policies were designed thereafter with these anxieties in mind—notably the one for running the museum in Calcutta. The authorities designed the museum as a ‘public’ space rather than as an ‘imperial’ edifice, and they hoped to get over their prolonged alienation from the masses by opening its doors to the ordinary people. This article examines the background and intent of the establishment of the Museum in Calcutta and its administration in the nineteenth century, with particular attention to the conception of the ‘public’ that underpinned it. It also outlines how the public in question responded to the museum.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celso Thomas Castilho

In March 1855, a literary newspaper in Rio de Janeiro printed the first installment of Nísia Floresta's “Páginas de uma vida obscura,” a serialized short story inspired by Harriet Beecher Stowe'sUncle Tom's Cabin(1852). Seven more chapters followed, keeping “Páginas” in the public eye for months. TheJornal do Commercio, arguably the national paper of record, mentioned the story in its announcements. Floresta (pseudonym of Dionísia Gonçalves Pinto, 1810–1885) centered her storyline on the Congo-born Domingos, the “Brazilian Tom,” who exemplified the attributes of Christian virtuosity and resignation found in Stowe's internationally famous novel. Set in the nineteenth century, “Páginas” begins with the ten-year-old Domingos's enslavement on the African coast, and highlights the human devastation of the internal slave trade through his movements across Minas Gerais and on to Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro. It ends with Domingos's death, at age 54, grief-stricken over his son's recent passing. In part, Floresta's “Páginas” emerged from the Brazilian schoolteacher's longstanding critiques of patriarchy, nation, and education. Twenty years earlier, Floresta had drawn from Mary Wollstonecraft'sA Vindication of the Rights of Womanto writeDireito das mulheres e injustiça dos homens(1832), a book that went through three editions in its first decade. More directly though, Floresta had connected to the so-called “Tom mania” while living in Paris in 1852. The following year, back in Rio, she wrote a pamphlet on women's education—Opúsculo humanitário(1853)—that parsed key aspects ofUncle Tom's Cabin, among a larger discussion of women's achievements internationally. Two Rio newspapers excerpted the pamphlet, and, boldly, published the chapters focused on Uncle Tom. This attention in the press raised the profile of a book the public already knew to be controversial, as newspapers had earlier carried reports of port authorities seizing shipments ofUncle Tom's Cabinin Rio, Salvador, and Fortaleza. In writing “Páginas,” then, two years after theOpúsculo, Floresta not only carried forward her literary dialogue with Stowe, but also posed the work as a challenge to the status quo. “Páginas” was necessary, she explained, because “slavery is not an issue of concern in the press.” If overstated, given that the topic of slavery was quite prevalent in public discourse, Floresta's assertion nonetheless signals an opportunity for scholars to probe further into the relationship between slavery and the public sphere in the mid nineteenth century. More specifically, it suggests connections to be explored between the press and the early reception ofUncle Tom's Cabinin Brazil, and, more broadly, connections between the representations of slavery in the press, and the institution's enduring legitimacy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 71-83
Author(s):  
Jon Mathieu

The term “tourist” appeared in English in the late eighteenth century and spread to other European languages in the first half of the nineteenth century. The corresponding sector first appeared in German as Fremdenverkehr. Since the 1970s, the neutral, internationally used term “tourism” has become the standard for the mobility industry. The industry is unique and in some aspects unlike any other industry. Foreign buyers of tourist services are not only customers of specific tourism companies, but also guests of tourist regions. They move within an environment created by others and sometimes appropriate the public space of this area, especially by participating in the expansive mass tourism. This has recently led to the emergence of the term “overtourism”. It is associated with a need to reduce the burden of some fashionable tourist regions caused by an excessive influx of tourists. The Alps are one of those regions in which tourism developed as an industry already in the nineteenth century. The number of tourists in this European mountain range — initially especially in Switzerland — grew considerably particularly after 1850. The period was marked by a rapid development of infrastructure in the form of modern forms of transport, accommodation and other services. Tourism became an indicator and factor in civic “progress”. Yet at the same time there appeared voices questioning this development. The author of the present article discusses three examples from various spheres, periods and regions illustrating the history of the growth of tourism in the Alps. The first part is devoted to literature, specifically to a satirical journal of a journey to Switzerland, published for the first time in 1880. The second part deals with science, drawing mainly on the work of a French geographer and her writings from 1956–1971. The third part concerns tourism policy in recent years in a fashionable Austrian village in the Alps. 


2005 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley Gelbier

The lack of professional qualifications was felt keenly by some nineteenth-century medical and dental practitioners. In 1860, the Lancet highlighted a scheme “to avoid the operation of the Medical Act, and to enable uneducated and unprincipled men to defraud the public”. It quoted an advertisement from a daily newspaper. Mr T Vary had announced that “Doctors, Druggists, Chemists, or Dentists, who have no Medical Diploma, can hear of an easy method of obtaining one” by writing to him at Jones's Coffee House in London's Tottenham Court Road. In response to an enquiry, Vary told the Lancet that he had just come from America where a friend “had graduated … in 1857, with all the honours”. However, the latter “had to leave America without his diploma” because of a lack of money for his graduation fees, and so had asked him to pay off the debt and bring back the diploma to Europe. Vary said: “I have done so; but have been detained longer than was anticipated, and now find my friend dead”. Indicating that he did not want to lose the money which he had paid on behalf of his friend, Vary continued: “Fortunately, as is common in America, the space for the name is left blank, to allow the graduate to have it filled up to suit his fancy by some writing master”. He proposed to sell the diploma and supporting papers for £23, which, he pointed out, was “as good as if five years' labour and 1500 dollars had been given to obtain it”. Later in the same year, the Lancet stressed that the practice of buying a Continental degree of MD, without examination or residence, was clearly a “fraud upon the public … repugnant to professional honour and destructive of professional character”. It published details of a proposition sent to Mr Pound, a surgeon in Odiham, to obtain a degree “by simple purchase”. Enclosed was a printed circular: “If you wish to become a M.D. without absenting yourself from your professional duties, I can procure you the degree from a Continental University of the highest reputation, on terms more moderate than any hitherto known in this country”. The circular was accompanied by a letter addressed personally to Pound by a Dr H A Caesar, MD, FRCSI. There is no way of knowing how many doctors or dentists actually bought copies of that or similar false diplomas.


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