scholarly journals El derecho de las mujeres trans al ejercicio del trabajo sexual en condiciones dignas, como desarrollo del principio de no discriminación

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-41
Author(s):  
Alejandro Gómez Restrepo ◽  
Lisset Juliana Betancur Vásquez

Las mujeres trans, dadas sus condiciones particulares de vulnerabilidad, están expuestas en mayor riesgo a la violencia y a la pobreza. Por estas razones, en la mayoría de casos, el trabajo sexual se torna la única opción de supervivencia. Los Estados latinoamericanos se encuentran obligados a la protección de los derechos humanos de todas las personas, sin discriminación; no obstante, respecto al trabajo sexual continúan prácticas discriminatorias, volviéndose inoperantes las garantías que emanan de los tratados internacionales. Resulta imprescindible que los Estados despenalicen, regulen y protejan el derecho al trabajo sexual, en aras de salvaguardar a las mujeres trans como personas en una situación particular de vulnerabilidad, específicamente respecto a su derecho al trabajo sin discriminación.  The Right of Trans Women to the Exercise of Sex Work in Decent Conditions as a Development of the Principle of Non-discrimination Abstract: Trans women, given their particular conditions of vulnerability, are at greater risk of violence and poverty. For these reasons, in most cases, sex work becomes the only survival option. Latin American States are obliged to protect the human rights of all people without discrimination; however, with regard to sex work, discriminatory practices continue, rendering the guarantees emanating from international treaties inoperative. In this sense, it becomes essential that States decriminalize, regulate and protect the right to sex work, in order to safeguard trans women as people in a particular situation of vulnerability, specifically regarding their right to work without discriminationn. Keywords: labor rights, principle of non-discrimination, sex work, trans women.  

Author(s):  
Kai Michael Kenkel

Latin American states have become major providers of troops for UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) since the early 2000s. MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti), the UN mission in Haiti, 55% of whose troops were from the region, was a major watershed for local security cooperation and PKO contributions. Led by Brazil, these states were able to develop a specific approach to peacebuilding that reflects regional strengths and experiences, rooted in minimizing the use of force and bringing successful domestic development policies to bear abroad. This approach also reflects the common security and intervention culture that underpins policy in the region. Two states in particular have taken on a role as major providers of peacekeeping contingents. Tiny Uruguay, with a population of 3 million people, has maintained over 2,000 troops deployed on UN PKOs (more than 10% of its armed forces) since 2005. While Uruguay’s motivations are mostly economic—UN reimbursements exceed the country’s costs—Brazil’s ascendance as a major peacekeeping provider during MINUSTAH was part of a larger emerging-power foreign policy project. Participating in peacebuilding allowed the country to provide security through actions in the development realm, bridging a key gap in many rising states’ capabilities, and to mount an incipient challenge to the Western-led peacebuilding paradigm. The remaining states of Latin America show considerable diversity in their peacekeeping engagement, with many others sending small or token contributions and some no troops at all. Latin American states’ involvement in PKOs cannot be understood without looking at their interaction with patterns of civil–military relations in the region. In the case of such states, the effect of peacekeeping participation on civil–military relations, while a key point in need of monitoring, has not been decisive, as other factors prevail. Finally, PKOs have served as the locus for a significant increase in policy coordination and cooperation in the defense arena in the region. As the UN moves toward stabilization operations which privilege counterterrorism measures over the peacebuilding paradigm that is a strength of Latin American countries, PKOs may lose attractiveness as a foreign policy avenue in the region. Additionally, the swing to the right in recent elections may serve to reduce the appeal of a practice which came to the fore under previous left-wing governments.


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 653-659 ◽  

The Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Organization of American States (OAS) took place from January 22–31, 1962, at Punta del Este, Uruguay, to consider the threat posed to the western hemisphere's security by Cuba. Before the meeting, the Inter-American Peace Committee, a standing committee of OAS, after investigating charges made by the representative of Peru that Cuba was engaged in promoting subversive movements in other Latin American countries, unanimously approved a report to be put before the meeting of the foreign ministers. This report included the following points: 1) that the identification of the government of Cuba with the Marxist-Leninist ideology and socialism of the Soviet type presupposed positions that were basically antagonistic to the principle established in the OAS charter that the solidarity and high aims of OAS were based on the effective exercise of representative democracy; 2) that the present government of Cuba impeded the exercise of the right of self-determination, as it was conceived in the inter-American system; 3) that the serious and systematic violation of human rights by the government of Cuba not only constituted one of the principal causes of the international tensions affecting the peace of the hemisphere but was also in open contradiction to various instruments of the inter-American system. Also, it stated 4) that the connections of the government of Cuba with the Sino-Soviet bloc of countries were incompatible with the principles and standards that governed the regional system, and particularly with the collective security established by the OAS charter and the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance; and 5) that the intense subversive activity in which the countries of the Sino Soviet bloc were engaged in America and the activities of the Cuban government that had been pointed out in the report represented attacks upon inter-Amercian peace and security as well as on the sovereignty and political independence of the American states, and therefore a serious violation of fundamental principles of the inter-American system.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Liza García Reyes

Resumen: Partiendo del reconocimiento de unmodelo cultural de mujer basado en la heterosexualidadobligatoria, esta ponencia plantea la necesidad deconstruir una política pública para el sector LGBTI1fundada en un enfoque de derechos humanos. Con baseen la experiencia de la administración distrital deBogotá, que condujo a la creación de la Dirección deDiversidad Sexual, de la Subsecretaría Mujer, Géneros yDiversidad sexual, de la Secretaría de PlaneaciónDistrital de Bogotá, se plantean los siguientes pasospara la construcción de dicha política: adecuacióninstitucional; construcción de lineamientos que reconozcanlas diversas orientaciones sexuales e identidadesde género; construcción participativa de un plan deacción; visibilización de los intereses de las diferentesmujeres; desarrollo de acciones intersectoriales ointerinstitucionales para el desarrollo de la políticapública; acciones específicas para las mujeres encondiciones de mayor vulnerabilidad (las mujeres trans);y desarrollo de acciones específicas para lograr laciudadanía plena de las mujeres, donde juegue unimportante papel la reflexión y acción sobre laheterosexualidad obligatoria y los modelos de mujernaturalizantes.Palabras clave: políticas públicas, mujeres, sectorLGBTI, diversidad sexual, heterosexualidad obligatoriaAbstract: Based on the recognition of a culturalmodel of woman based on compulsory heterosexuality,this presentation affirms the need to build a public policyfor the LGBTI sector grounded on a human rightsapproach. On the grounds of the experience of theadministration for the city of Bogotá, which led to thecreation of the Sexual Diversity Directorate for the UndersecretariatWoman, Gender an Sexual Diversity of theCity Planning Secretariat for Bogotá, the following stepsfor the creation of the policy are detailed: institutionalization;creation of guidelines for therecognition of sexual diversity and gender identities; aparticipatory process for establishing the plan of action;visibilization of the interests of diverse women;development of inter-sectorial actions for the publicpolicy; specific actions for women in situations of extremevulnerability (trans women); and development of actionsto achieve women’s full enjoyment of citizenship, with animportant role for the reflection on compulsoryheterosexuality an naturalizing models of women.Key words: public policy, women, LGBTI, sexualdiversity, compulsory heterosexuality


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-337
Author(s):  
ANDREIA DE FÁTIMA HOELZLE MARTINS ◽  
WESCLEY SILVA XAVIER

Abstract This article aims to understand the characteristics of migration policies targeted at refugees, especially concerning the right to work, from the end of World War II to 2019. Migration policy can be defined as the rights and obligations of migrants, including the guarantees and regulations immigrants have when residing in a foreign country. Labor shortages, national security, international treaties, and humanitarian issues are often recurring concerns in migration policy management. This study relied on scientific, journalistic and institutional (legislative) sources available in digital media. Documentary data analysis focusing on themes regarding migration policy, refugees, and refugee employment were used. As a result, it has been concluded that Brazil had inherited conservative, nationalist, and racist policies in the scope of migration. Furthermore, regardless of the progress made during the democratic period, there is still room for improvement in refugee assistance following its legalization in the country. The right to work and the documentation required to work legally are safeguarded to immigrants recognized as refugees. It also includes groups who have acquired the right to validate their qualifications. Nonetheless, the policy has failed to ensure access to employment and protect these groups from performing illegal work without labor rights, which, in turn, highlights the need for public policies that may intervene in this regard. In conclusion, we show the relevance of migration policies to the legal recognition of refugees’ rights, especially concerning their right to work.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 297-318
Author(s):  
Celma Tavares

O Brasil é um país com uma profunda desigualdade nas relações entre homens e mulheres em vários campos. Em relação ao acesso a terra e territórios há um contexto de profunda concentração fundiária. Ao mesmo tempo, garantir a igualdade de gênero no que tange ao direito à terra se coloca como uma dimensão essencial para uma série de outros direitos humanos. Dessa forma, e considerando que o processo de empoderamento das mulheres é um dos caminhos para reverterem as desigualdades de gênero e promover a luta por direitos, analisar experiências que contribuem neste caminho permite indicar avanços e lacunas, possibilitando sua ampliação. Este estudo tem como objetivo discutir as potencialidades de monitoramento das políticas públicas nos territórios, articuladas aos ODS, a partir de uma experiência local-global, com recorte de gênero, tomando como referência o trabalho com mulheres rurais e urbanas, de movimentos sociais de luta pela terra e moradia, na região nordeste do Brasil desenvolvida pela organização Espaço Feminista. Dita experiência, realizada com base em um modelo que une pesquisa, formação, alianças e incidência política, vem potencializando o processo de autonomia e atuação das mulheres no monitoramento da implementação das políticas públicas e na exigibilidade de seus direitos.   Derechos humanos y ODS: caminos para fortalecer los derechos de las mujeres Brasil es un país con una amplia desigualdad en las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres en diversos ámbitos. Respecto al acceso a la tierra y territorios hay un contexto de grande concentración de tierras. A la vez, garantizar la igualdad de género respecto al derecho a la tierra se presenta como una dimensión esencial para un conjunto de otros derechos. De esa forma, y considerando que el proceso de empoderamiento de las mujeres es uno de los caminos para revertir las desigualdades de género y promover la lucha por derechos, analizar experiencias que contribuyen en este camino permite indicar avances y lagunas, posibilitando su ampliación. Esta investigación tiene el objetivo de discutir las potencialidades de monitoreo de las políticas públicas en los territorios, articuladas a los ODS, a partir de una experiencia local-global, con recorte de género, tomando como referencia el trabajo con mujeres rurales y urbanas, de movimientos sociales de lucha por la tierra y la vivienda, en la región nordeste de Brasil desarrollada por la organización Espacio Feminista. Dicha experiencia, realizada con base en un modelo que une investigación, formación, alianzas e incidencia política, viene potenciando el proceso de autonomía y actuación de las mujeres en el monitoreo de la implementación de las políticas públicas y en la exigibilidad de sus derechos. Palabras clave: Derechos humanos. Mujeres. Empoderamiento. Políticas públicas. ODS.   Human rights and SDGS: pathways to strengthen women’s rights Brazil is a country with a profound inequality in relations between men and women and in diverse fields. Regarding access to land and territories, there is a context of huge land concentration. At the same time, ensuring gender equality with regard to the right to land is an essential dimension for a number of other human rights. Hence, and considering that the process of women’s empowerment is one of the ways to reverse gender inequalities and promote the battle for rights, analyzing experiences that contribute to this path allows us to indicate advances and gaps, enabling their adjustment and development. This study aims to discuss the potential for monitoring public policies in the territories, linked to the SDGs, from a local-global experience, with a gender approach, taking as a reference the work with rural and urban women, from social movements fighting for land and housing, in the Northeast region of Brazil that has been developed by the organization Espaço Feminista. This experience, based on a model that interconnects research, political formation, alliances building and advocacy, has been strengthening the process of women’s autonomy and the presence of women in monitoring the implementation of public policies and the enforcement of their rights. Keywords: Human rights. Women. Empowerment. Public policies. SDGs.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-45
Author(s):  
César Sánchez Avella ◽  
Paula Lucía Arévalo Mutiz

El presente texto se aproxima al abordaje jurídico que se ha dado en Colombia a la violencia letal basada en la identidad de género, la cual ha sido tipificada como feminicidio (Ley Rosa Elvira Cely) y que, dada su especificidad, podría llegar a investigarse y sancionarse como transfeminicidio. Dada la consciencia alcanzada en el ámbito de los derechos humanos sobre la grave situación que enfrentan las mujeres transgénero en América Latina, específicamente en países como Colombia, importantes organizaciones LGBT han luchado por la adecuada judicialización de los crímenes perpetrados por motivo de la identidad de género. A diferencia de México y Argentina, en Colombia se ha hecho una interpretación amplia del tipo penal autónomo ‘Feminicidio’ para aplicarlo a los casos de asesinatos de mujeres trans, planteando grandes desafíos para su aplicación por parte de investigadores y operadores judiciales. Explorando posibles respuestas para la pregunta sobre la necesidad de ‘transitar’ hacia la creación de un tipo penal autónomo para el transfeminicidio, en este artículo de investigación se ofrece una introducción, que explora el contexto sociojurídico de esta problemática en Colombia, seguido de la metodología de la pesquisa adelantada, los antecedentes de la investigación, una discusión conceptual a la luz de autoras feministas y transfeministas desde una perspectiva latinoamericana, y los principales hallazgos sobre los avances, dificultades y desafíos del actual abordaje jurídico de este fenómeno. Se cierra el presente trabajo con algunas conclusiones y recomendaciones para futuras investigaciones en la materia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Graciela de Ortúzar

El derecho a migrar, como el derecho a la salud del migrante, se encuentran reconocidos en la Ley de Migraciones Nro. 25871/2003 de Argentina. Dicha ley constituye un avance legislativo en derechos humanos; resultado de un largo proceso constituyente, deliberativo, que dio lugar a un modelo inclusivo de migración sin precedentes internacionales en su momento. Sin embargo, recientemente asistimos a un giro en políticas migratorias (DNU 70/2017). Como consecuencia, se produce un retroceso en derechos sociales y políticos. En lo que hace al derecho a la salud, la instauración de políticas neoconservadoras (Cobertura Universal de la Salud –CUS-) impulsó leyes provinciales (Ley 6119/2019) destinadas a exigir seguros pagos de salud para migrantes, contrarios a nuestra constitución. El objetivo del presente trabajo es analizar las raíces de éstos cambios en las normativas citadas sobre migraciones y salud; aplicando un marco de justicia social que nos permita comprender, críticamente, cómo la bifurcación de políticas distributivas y de reconocimiento en las mismas legislaciones habilitó el desarrollo de políticas neoconservadoras impuestas a través de decretos autoritarios; cuyas consecuencias trascienden la esfera de los migrantes, haciendo peligrar al mismo sistema de salud argentino como bien público.


Author(s):  
Joice Graciele Nielsson ◽  
Janaína Machado Sturza ◽  
Maiquel Ângelo Dezordi Wermuth

O presente trabalho analisa as possíveis interações entre direitos humanos e os direitos humanos das mulheres, questionando acerca da proteção das mulheres migrantes e a precarização de suas vidas a partir do acesso aos direitos reprodutivos, sob a perspectiva crítica biopolítica. Parte da hipótese de que a intercessão entre migração e desigualdades de gênero produz formas distintas e mais intensas de violência, vulnerabilidade que impactam no acesso a direitos e à saúde reprodutiva das mulheres migrantes, produzindo a descartabilidade de tais vidas. A partir de um estudo bibliográfico, que segue o método hipotético dedutivo, conclui-se pela urgência do desvelamento deste processo progressivo de precarização permanente que recai especialmente sobre as vidas femininas, a partir do controle de seus corpos e de sua capacidade reprodutiva intensificada em meio aos deslocamentos migratórios.   This paper analyzes the possible interactions between human rights and women's human rights, questioning about the protection of migrant women and the precariousness of their lives from access to reproductive health, from a critical biopolitical perspective. It starts from the hypothesis that the intercession between migration and gender inequalities produces distinct and more intense forms of violence, vulnerability that impact the access to rights and reproductive health of migrant women, producing the disposability of such lives. From a bibliographical study, through the hypothetical deductive method, it is concluded the urgency of the unveiling of this progressive process of permanent precarization that falls especially on the female lives, from the control of their bodies and their intensified reproductive capacity among the migratory displacements.   Este artículo analiza las posibles interacciones entre los derechos humanos y los derechos humanos de las mujeres, cuestionando la protección de las mujeres migrantes y la precariedad de sus vidas a través del acceso a la salud reproductiva, desde una perspectiva biopolítica crítica. Se parte de la hipótesis de que la intercesión entre la migración y las desigualdades de género produce formas distintas y más intensas de violencia, vulnerabilidad que impacta el acceso a los derechos y la salud reproductiva de las mujeres migrantes, produciendo la disposición de esas vidas. A partir de un estudio bibliográfico, a través del hipotético método deductivo, se concluye la urgencia de la revelación de este proceso progresivo de precarización permanente que recae especialmente en las vidas femeninas, desde el control de sus cuerpos y su capacidad reproductiva intensificada entre los desplazamientos migratorios.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Karol Carmona Alvarado

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo principal analizar, mediante el estudio de testimonios de mujeres trans, las manifestaciones del acoso sexual que enfrentan en los espacios públicos y que violentan sus derechos. Se realizó desde un paradigma de investigación cualitativa con algunos elementos de la investigación acción participativa, con un enfoque crítico de derechos humanos. Se trabajó con ocho mujeres trans, quienes brindaron sus testimonios mediante entrevistas a profundad semiestructuradas, las cuales se triangularon o compararon con periódicos, fuentes secundarias y se sistematizaron.  Se complementó con una investigación de campo donde se estuvo contacto con el contexto y las personas en estudio.  Entre los principales hallazgos: Los espacios públicos dominados por el hetero-patriarcado son, socialmente, destinados para el ejercicio de poder de los hombres contra las mujeres cisgénero y trans.  La violencia que enfrenta la población trans desemboca en daños irreparables para sus vidas, compromete su integridad física y emocional y limita su acceso a los derechos humanos. El acoso sexual que viven las mujeres trans es acoso sexual transfóbico, porque se mezcla el acoso sexual con la transfobia. Lo anterior hace necesario que se realicen estudios desde diversas disciplinas que contribuyan a la visibilización histórica, social y política de estas poblaciones, además de contribuir desde la academia a la construcción de un acervo documental que date las acciones, los logros, las vivencias y la historia de las poblaciones trans. Es importante realizar investigaciones desde enfoques cualitativos que acerquen y sensibilicen a quienes investigan con las realidades sociales, culturales y personales de las mujeres trans.


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