The “Dignity of Motherhood” Demands Something Different

2020 ◽  
pp. 225-252
Author(s):  
Kathleen Holscher

This chapter considers the work of the Catholic Medical Mission Sisters as midwives in New Mexico during the middle of the twentieth century. The sisters’ experimental initiative to provide midwifery and home birthing services to local women was integral to anti-poverty work in the state, and conformed to a midcentury Catholic view in which economic justice, understood solely in the context of the money economy, failed to address the unique dignity of women tied to the vocation of motherhood. The sisters’ work sheds light on how Catholic ideas about femaleness informed non-economic initiatives aimed at the poor, even as it also reveals the layered effects of historical experiments, economic or otherwise, to honor the “dignity of the poor,” when those experiments happened across differences of race, and in the shadow of asymmetrical relations of political power.

1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen J. Heasman

Sidney and Beatrice Webb, in their book The State and the Doctor, which was submitted in the first instance as a memorandum to the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws in 1909, dismiss the work of the free dispensaries and medical missions in one short paragraph.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-407
Author(s):  
Paul A. Fideler

The three fine essays that follow and the recent turn of the century provide the occasion for an assessment of the state of the early modern social welfare history endeavor. What do we know now about the poor and poverty relief in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that the great policy historians of the early twentieth century did not know? Why? What methodological assumptions and foci have emerged over the past hundred years, and how have they deepened our understanding of social welfare? What are the current points of research departure? With such a potentially vast historical literature to consider, I must dismiss at the outset any claim to complete thoroughness. I have, rather, organized the essay around eight clusters of work that have shaped the historiographical corpus.


1993 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Bernard Harris ◽  
David Vincent
Keyword(s):  

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Zakiyuddin Baedhawy

Poverty and impoverishment in the world currently continue to increase as aresult of distributive justice systems and its principles that became the basis ofcontemporary economics did not succeed in allocating and distributing resourcesjustly. Based on this problem, this study aimed at describing the Islamic responseto the problem of distributive injustice, and how necessarily the state played arole in upholding distributive justice. Through the thematic-induction method andthe synthetic analysis, the study finds out several findings as follows. Firstly,Islam formulated three principles of distributive justice as follows: 1) the Distributionof natural and the environmental resources was in the framework of participation;2) the Redistribution of the wealth and the income were joint responsibilityof ascertaining social security, the increase in the capacity and the authorityfor them who were disadvantage; and 3) the Role of the state was certaintythat was complementary for the ethical market in order to guarantees the senseof justice and the achievement of public welfare. Secondly, according to Islam,the process of the redistribution of the wealth and the income aimed at givingsocial security on the fulfillment of basic needs for the poor; strove for the increasein the capacity through education and skills; and increased the poor’sbargaining position through their participation in decision making that was linkedwith their interests and the control on its implementation. Thirdly, the intention of establishing justice was to gain both individual and public welfare and the happiness(al-fala>h}).Kemiskinan dan pemiskinan di dunia kontemporer terus meningkat sebagai akibatsistem keadilan distributif dan prinsip-prinsipnya yang menjadi basis ekonomisaat ini tidak berhasil dalam mengalokasikan dan memeratakan sumber dayasecara adil. Berdasarkan masalah ini, kajian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskanrespon Islam atas problem ketidakadilan distributif, dan bagaimana seharusnyanegara ambil peranan dalam menegakkan keadilan distributif. Melalui metodeinduksi-tematik dan analisis sintetik, kajian ini menemukan beberapa hal pentingantara lain. Pertama, Islam telah merumuskan tiga prinsip keadilan distributifsebagai berikut: 1) pemerataan sumber daya alam dan lingkungan dalamkerangka partisipasi; 2) redistribusi kekayaan dan pendapatan dalam rangkamemastikan keamanan sosial, dan meningkatkan kapasitas dan otoritas bagimereka yang kurang/tidak beruntung; dan 3) peran negara merupakan pelengkapbagi pasar yang etis dengan maksud untuk menjamin rasa keadilan dantercapainya kesejahteraan publik. Kedua, menurut Islam, proses redistribusikekayaan dan pendapatan bertujuan untuk memberikan jaminan sosial bagipemenuhan kebutuhan orang miskin; untuk meningkatkan kapasitas merekamelalui pendidikan dan pelatihan; dan meningkatkan posisi tawar kaum miskinmelalui partisipasi dalam pengambilan keputusan yang berkaitan langsung dengankepentingan mereka, serta kendali atas pelaksanaan keputusan tersebut. Ketiga,maksud penegakkan keadilan ialah untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan sekaliguskebahagiaan individu dan publik.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Isaev ◽  
Arkady Kornev ◽  
Sergey Lipen ◽  
Sergey Zenin

This article explores the historical pattern of the evolution of power technologies. The methodological basis relies on the philosophical movements of the twentieth century (phenomenology, structuralism, etc.) and works by P. Bourdieu, C. Lefort, N. Luhmann, D. Naisbitt, P. Sloterdijk, M. Foucault, O. Spann, F. G. Jünger, N. Elias, and a number of other authors. The creation of technologies for managing society and complex power mechanisms (“power machines”) are a general pattern of social development. The notion of dynamic power balance acts as a mandatory attribute of the management of society and focuses political activity on the constant consideration of numerous phenomena, circumstances, and interests. The state, as the main instrument of political management, seeks to constantly strengthen its power both within and without, and to spread it ever more to new spheres of social relations and territories. But over time, first in the sphere of international law, universal principles are recognised that establish the limits of power and assume the impossibility of strengthening the power of any one state (the idea of political balance of sovereign national states). In domestic politics, the increasing degree of agreement and gradually developing mechanisms of consensus contribute to the reduction of the role played by direct violence and the emergence of a system of institutions that were perceived as legitimate. Previous spontaneous processes and collisions of opposing forces are translated into technical, organisational, normative language – and political dynamics – into static social structures. Chaos and uncertainty are replaced by ideas about the desired ideal and order. The new “power machine” also receives a new justification that is no longer transcendent, but rather rational and technological. Constantly improving and becoming more complex, the “power machine” becomes ever more effective. The “technical” regularities of the organisation and functioning of political power, which determine the new social role of the “power machine”, come to the fore. The state, which is organised into a mechanism with supreme political power and absolute authority, has a decisive influence on the development of society. The transition from a dynastic to a bureaucratic state depersonalises the “power machine”. The figure of a monarch with absolute power dissolves in the hierarchy of numerous officials vested with power. The organisation of power to a large extent separates carriers or subjects of power from their decisions. There is no visible mechanism of power and subordination and the opposite interests of the ruling and the governed. Further, in the twentieth-century industrial revolutions, the “power machine” is forced to adapt to new social realities, i. e. to “network” relations where communication and connections between people and their groups become fundamental. This leads to the creation of new management structures with a plurality of centres.


AHSANA MEDIA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Abd. Ghoffar

The tug of war regarding the perception of Islam whether as a series of religious teachings or also at the same time a part of the state system that regulates the political power of the state has actually exposed the surface as a central issue since the end of the nineteenth century and entered the early twentieth century. This perception of Islam is very significant for the development of religious and political discourses which until now are still being discussed. From the discussion of this topic also was born a series of intellectual figures who had filled out the history sheet and carved gold ink through their ideas or concepts about religion and the state that reached the processor of our brain today. Through them we can transfer thoughts so that trans ideas occur. The discussion that is oriented towards Muslim intellectual thinking is very useful for us in order to reformulate our perceptions of religion and politics in order to be more applicable in Islamic and state-of-the-art insight.


Author(s):  
Vito Tanzi

The chapter considers how two economic giants of the twentieth century saw the economic role of the market, comparing Hayek’s trust in the market with Keynes’ growing doubts about its role. There are areas where they strongly disagreed but also many areas of convergence. The greatest divergence in their positions was in the role of government in stabilizing policies. It can be said that these two economists actually had less extreme views that many assume they did. Keynes’ views were less socialist than many assume while Hayek’s views were less conservative. Hayek theorized a government role in regulations vis-à-vis the environment and vis-à-vis guaranteeing a low income for the poor; Keynes was against high taxes and was relatively indifferent to welfare policies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 36-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin de Boer

The financial crisis that currently besets Europe not only disturbs the life of many citizens, but also affects our economic, political and philosophical theories. Clearly, many of the contributing causes, such as the wide availability of cheap credit after the introduction of the euro, are contingent. Analyses that aim to move beyond such contingent factors tend to highlight the disruptive effects of the neoliberal conception of the market that has become increasingly dominant over the last few decades. Yet while the financial sector has received most of the blame, and rightly so, few commentators seem willing to take into account the role played by representative democracy in its current form. Even if it is granted that actual democratic policies fall short of what they ought to achieve, contemporary representative democracy itself is seldom regarded as part of the tangle it was supposed to resolve. David Merill touches upon this issue when he notes, in the preceding issue of thisBulletin, that ‘the economic dilemmas faced today may be ultimately the consequences of state failure’. The state that has failed to regulate the markets is described as ‘weak’ and ‘subject to external blows, blind to its ends, merely one actor among many in the events of the day’ (Merill 2012: 28). Yet Merill does not seem to consider this weakness to be an inherent feature of the constellation of which contemporary democracy is a part.There are, of course, excellent reasons not to take this path. First, representative democracy has in many cases proved to be the best way of preventing small elites from acquiring political power, and many of the impressive social and political achievements of the twentieth century are the result of democratic processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Rakesh Ankit

This article provides a long-term narrative of movements for social change in Bihar, precipitated by the steady rise to political power by the Backward Classes/Castes in the state, since 1989. Locating this moment in a longer momentum of struggle since the 1920s, it probes the antecedents of recent social change in Bihar politics. Contextualising this process within a long recessional, it traces a larger democratic cycle of empowerment going back to the early twentieth century. The article attempts the historicisation of Bihar politics by drawing upon a variety of sources—from official records to newspapers—and supplementing them with relevant secondary literature.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Nicolas G. Rosenthal

A vibrant American Indian art scene developed in California from the 1960s to the 1980s, with links to a broader indigenous arts movement. Native American artists working in the state produced and exhibited paintings, prints, sculptures, mixed media, and other art forms that validated and documented their cultures, interpreted their history, asserted their survival, and explored their experiences in modern society. Building on recent scholarship that examines American Indian migration, urbanization, and activism in the twentieth century, this article charts these developments and argues that American Indian artists in California challenged and rewrote dominant historical narratives by foregrounding Native American perspectives in their work.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document