scholarly journals A Prague Poem on Purgation?: Five Languages in a Seventeenth Century Irish Manuscript

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Ken Ó Donnchú ◽  

The history of the Irish Franciscans in continental Europe has been the subject of much scholarly investigation, which has focused mainly on the renowned Louvain college. Although the Irish Franciscans in Prague were less prolific than their Louvain compatriots, the Prague house, active for over 150 years, nevertheless produced many works, ranging from original theological treatises to copies of grammatical and historical texts, both in Latin and in the vernacular. This paper will examine a text from UCD Franciscan Collection MS A 32 f.5, a single paper folio which preserves the only known example of the Czech language in a Gaelic manuscript. The content of that folio sheds light on the relationships between the continental houses, and highlights the more quotidian and less-vaunted aspects of the lives and work of these exiled Irish men of God. The poem in question, entitled ‘Freagra ar et cætera Philip’ (An Answer to Philip’s Et Cætera, FCP hereafter), centres on the ‘evacuation’ difficulties of one Philip Ó Conaill, the hardship this has caused those in his company, and the advice given to Philip on how to cure his ailment. In literary terms, FCP exemplifies the strong interest of the Irish literati at all stages in so-called Rabelaisian humour, and burlesque literature. While the poem itself is unlikely to be added to the canon of Irish literature, nevertheless a number of aspects of its contents are intriguing, and invite investigation and restrained speculation as to the context of its production.

1892 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Horace Rumbold

In the course of extensive researches in which I have been engaged for some years on the subject of the history of the Rumbold family during the seventeenth century, and more especially at the period immediately preceding the Restoration, I came across a paper in the British Museum which has never, as far as I know, been made public, and is, perhaps, not unworthy to find a place among the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. The curious document in question is headed A Particular of the Services performed by me Henry Rumbold for His Majesty.


1905 ◽  
Vol 51 (212) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
W. Lloyd Andriezen

Science, whose high aim it is to investigate Nature, to under stand her secret workings, and thus to win for man the mastery of Nature, must set out with the conviction that Nature is intelligible, comprehensible, and conquerable. In the domain of biological science the problem of heredity occupies a position of great importance, one full of interest to every student of life. For the serious thinker who has not only looked backwards and studied the past of the human race but is inspired by ideals and desires for its future good, the subject of heredity provides an inspiring theme for contemplation and study. The development of our knowledge and the history of human endeavours to reach a complete understanding of the phenomena and conditions of heredity form one of the most interesting chapters in human evolution. Theories of heredity, like theories regarding other phenomena of life, have been expressed in three sets of terms: theological, metaphysical, and scientific. It required no skilled observation of early man to see that in the act of fecundation the male furnished the seminal substance, whereas the female seemed to furnish nothing except the receptacle or “mould,” in the form of the womb, within which the fótus was formed. Thus, what was more natural than to suppose that heredity was solely paternal, that the male element was the germ or seed, and the female organs the soil, in which, by some mysterious process, growth and development of the germ took place. This view of heredity has been expounded in the Manava Dharma-Sastra, one of the ancient sacred books of the Hindus (Delage, L'hérédité, 1903, p. 380). The same view, more or less modified according to the prevailing state of knowledge, was current among the ancient Greeks (Eristratos, Diogenes, and others). Galen and the school of philosophers of Alexandria also upheld the doctrine of the paternal factor of heredity, and thus constituted themselves the school of the Spermatists. Spermatist views prevailed for many centuries, and when towards the close of the seventeenth century Leeuwenhoeck discovered the presence of spermatozoa by the aid of the microscope, the spermatists had a season of rejoicing. Hartsoeker (1694) supposed that within the spermatozoon there was a little being, a human being, in miniature, with all its parts and organs complete, and figured a spermatozoon (highly magnified, of course) in which the little “homunculus” is to be seen seated within the “head” of the former with its arms and legs folded together in small compass, somewhat like a fcetus in utero. The theory of the spermatists was not destined to remain in undisputed possession of the field. The rival school of Harvey in the sixteenth century taught that the semen or sperm did not fertilise the ovum nor even enter the womb, but that it fertilised the entire constitution of the mother by a sort of contagion which rendered her capable of acting as the stimulus of development for the ova in the uterus, and Descartes, in the early part of the seventeenth century, entertained the same views. The ovists now claimed that all the organs of the future being already existed, preformed in miniature, in the ovum, as opposed to the spermatists, who claimed the same preformed structure for the spermatozoon. To the ovists, therefore, the act of fecundation was only an impulse or stimulus to development communicated by the male element to the ovum; the male contributed nothing material in forming the parts and organs of the fótus which existed, preformed in the ovum, so that the child was the product of the mother alone. Among the upholders of the ovist theory, in the eighteenth century were Malpighi, Haller, Bonnet, and Spallanzani. Difficulties, however, arose over both these theories of exclusive inheritance, for the ovists could not explain how the offspring sometimes resembled the father rather than the mother, and the spermatists could not account for cases of close resemblance between the mother and offspring, while neither could, again, account for cases of the mixed or blended resemblance of the offspring to both parents. The theory of preformation gradually lost its interest and its vitality, and received its death-blow at the hands of Wolff (1759), who, not only by theoretical arguments but by indisputable facts as to the nature and process of development of the hen's egg, demonstrated the baselessness of the fancies of the pre-formationists, whether of the spermatic or ovarian school. Finally, there gradually grew up in the nineteenth century the modem view that the male and female (germ and sperm) cells of the respective parents contributed in equal, or nearly equal, proportions to the constitution of the embryo, and that the environment and nourishment of the fertilised ovum during its growth and evolution in the womb was a third factor of importance, especially in the case of those animals which went through a long period of intra-uterine growth and evolution, as in the case of man and the higher mammals.


Author(s):  
Lola Josa

Resum: El paisatge bucòlic es va convertir en una espècie de partitura i de joc metalíric en els tons barrocs de tal manera que sembla com si els intèrprets i les veus que els canten només tinguessin que seguir les indicacions que els tòpics poètics dicten des del text per a que la sonoritat, l’harmonia i la música fossin possibles. Resulta molt curiós també que, tan tardanament, fos a propòsit de l’amor bucolicopastoral el pretext amb què l’incipient art del to es mostrés més experimental. Només aquest motiu musical podria justificar, que, a principis del segle XVII, proliferessin les composicions de tons de temàtica bucòlica i d’aquells altres que estan centrats en una Natura, si bé no idealitzada, no advertida pel més tardà panteisme egocèntric. En aquest treball ens centrarem, per tant, en les causes d’aquest esforç d’originalitat musical i de llurs èxits, així com la repercussió que va tenir en la poesia musicada. També seguirem l’evolució poeticomusical del to bucolicopastoral de la mà dels millors compositors peninsulars (alguns encara desconeguts) per a terminar oferint les característiques més significatives que permeten fixar-lo com una de les importants tipologies de la història de la música peninsular del segle XVII.. Paraules clau: to barroc, poesia i música del segle XVII, bucolisme líric, estudi interdisciplinar, llenguatge poeticomusical.   Abstract: The bucolic landscape became a kind of sheet music and metalyrical game in baroque tonos in such a way that it seems as if the performers and the voices that sing them have only to follow the indications that the poetic topics dictate from the text so that the sonority, harmony and music were possible. It is very curious also that, so belatedly, it was on the subject of pastoral-bucolic love the pretext with which the incipient art of the tono was more experimental. Only this musical motif could justify, that, at the beginning of the XVII century, the compositions of bucolic tonos proliferated and of those others that are centered in a Nature, although not idealized, not noticed by the later egocentric pantheism. In this work we will focus, therefore, on the causes of this effort of musical originality and its achievements, as well as the repercussion that it had on musicalized poetry. We will also follow the poetic-musical evolution of the bucolic-pastoral tono along with the best peninsular composers (some still unknown) to end up offering the most significant characteristics that allow us to fix it as one of the important typologies of the history of the peninsular music of the XVII century. Keywords: Baroque tono; Poetry and music of the seventeenth century; Lyric bucolicism; Interdisciplinary study; Poetic-musical language.  


John Wallis (1616-1703), one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society, was a scholar of amazing versatility. Though born into an age of intellectual giants he rapidly acquired a commanding place even among that brilliant group which has made the seventeenth century illustrious in the history of science. More than once he blazed the trail which led to some epoch-making discovery. When Newton modestly declared ‘If I have seen further it is by standing on ye sholders of Giants’, he no doubt had the name of John WalHs well before his mind. Walks was born on 23 November 1616, at Ashford in East Kent, a country town of which his father was rector. On the death of his father, Wallis was sent to school at Ashford. Later he was moved to Tenter den, where he came under the care of Mr James Movat, and even in his earliest years he distinguished himself by that singular aptitude for learning which was to remain with him till the closing years of his life. At the age of fourteen he went to Felsted, and here he acquired a marked proficiency not only in Latin and Greek, but also in Hebrew. From Felsted he entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and although his interest in mathematics dates from this period, he gave no evidence of unusual talent for the subject; this, he complains was because there was no one in the University to direct his studies. Divinity was his dominant interest. In 1640 he was ordained, and four years later he was appointed, together with Adoniram Byfield, Secretary to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. Possibly on account of his ecclesiastical duties, which absorbed much of his time and energy, his early promise as a mathematician still remained unfulfilled.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Castonguay

Il est désormais connu que Michel Foucault s’est intéressé à la fin de sa vie à l’ ”herméneutique du sujet.” Mais cette histoire de la constitution du sujet (ou de la subjectivité) fait étrangement l’économie d’une réflexion sur le rôle de la compréhension, alors que Foucault qualifie son travail d’ ”ontologie historique de nous-mêmes.” C'est sur ce point précis qu’est ici mis à l'épreuve le caractère médiateur de l’œuvre de Paul Ricœur, dont l’herméneutique du soi prend en charge une ontologie de la compréhension. Suite à ces considérations, la seconde partie de l’article cherche à démontrer que la théorie de l’agir de Ricœur peut favoriser le passage d’une reconnaissance de type objectale à une reconnaissance des capacités du sujet à se tenir pour responsable. Ce passage sera opéré directement sur le modèle d’analyse du “dernier Foucault,” c’est-à-dire son concept-clé de “processus de subjectivation.” In his later work, Michel Foucault manifested a strong interest for the “hermeneutics of the subject.” Yet this history of the constitution of the subject (or subjectivity) does without any reflection on the role of understanding, even though Foucault characterizes his project as a historical ontology of ourselves. The power of mediation emphasized in the work of Paul Ricœur may help us redefine an ontology of understanding through a hermeneutics of the self. Following this, the second part of the article aims to show that Ricœur’s theory of action can facilitate a transition from the recognition of the self, first described as “objectivation,” to a recognition of the subject’s capacity to be held responsible. This passage will draw on the model of analysis in the later Foucault, specifically, on his key concept of the subjectivation process.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-295
Author(s):  
J. S.

The subject of this study is the process of change which affected the teaching of philosophy in the secondary education system in the first phase of the Polish Enlightenment in the mid-18th century. Historians of science and philosophy have treated those changes as a spontaneous and uncritical attempt to include the problems of modem natural science seventeenth-century systems of philosophy, and ethical and social issues of the Enlightenment into the systematic exposition of Christian Aristotelianism, all despite the avowed opposition to these modes of culture. Hence the contemporary so-called 'philosophia recentiorum' has usually been regarded as a form of eclecticism, that is as a form structurally and culturally inconsistent, transitory, incomplete and dependent. Emphasis has also been laid on the impact Ch. Wolff allegedly had on the first stage of the Polish Enlightenment, the impact then replaced by English and French influences.


Nuncius ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 394-430
Author(s):  
Bruno Barreiros ◽  
Palmira Fontes da Costa

Abstract This article provides an analysis of the most successful books on materia medica printed in Portugal in the seventeenth century and their influence on subsequent works. The study is informed by methodologies and concerns from the field of the history of the book and pays particular attention to paratexts, genres as well as to physical formats. It shows that these elements were fundamental in defining intended audiences and in constructing strategies of legitimation for their authors. In addition, it assesses issues of readership by considering the marginalia preserved in some copies of these books. The investigation has also into account a significant number of manuscripts on the subject. In spite of their limited circulation, this article shows the advantage of manuscript culture in the dissemination of knowledge on materia medica. Since they could circumvent censorship, particularly in the case of chemical remedies, they reveal a more open approach towards therapeutic innovations and the integration of new ideas and practices.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neville Chittick

This article, based on a critical examination of the Pate Chronicle in the light of archaeological and external historical evidence bearing on the subject, presents a case for a revision of the early history of the town. It maintains that Pate was the latest of the settlements to rise to importance in the region, being of little importance before the sixteenth century, and preceded by other city-statés, the earliest of which was Manda. The origins of Pate do not go back before the fourteenth century; the first dynasty there, the Batawi, was ruling up to around the seventeenth century, after which the Nabahani took over the sultanate.


PMLA ◽  
1939 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin E. Place

In the history of literatures, as in the history of the races that produce them, it is axiomatic that often there comes from without some invigorating influence which, on being assimilated, may assume a significance perhaps all out of proportion to its original importance. Such was the effect of the figurón, in the Spanish comedia de figurón, upon the development of a type of uncouth and cowardly lover rôle in seventeenth-century French comedy, such as that of Sganarelle in Molière's Le Manage forcé. Now that we are enabled to study in its proper perspective French dramatic literature of the grand siècle, thanks to Professor Lancaster's monumental work on the subject, it becomes increasingly possible as well as pertinent for those interested in comparative literature to supplement and to underline certain facts already clearly brought out in Mr. Lancaster's six-volume study. In this paper I wish to present some observations on the literary antecedents of the figurón in Spanish drama and an interpretation of the significance of the figurón, together with a few comments upon French treatment of this type as transplanted by Paul Scarron and Thomas Corneille.


PMLA ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 242-253
Author(s):  
Brendan O Hehir

Upon the basis of evidence never sufficiently examined, a number of statements concerning the seventeenth-century publication history of John Denham's Coopers Hill have acquired wide and authoritative circulation, and all the circumstantiality of established fact. Three chief of these statements, closely interrelated, are to be the subject of this discussion. The first of these is that all the editions of Coopers Hill prior to that of 1655 are “piracies.” The second, a corollary to the first, is that the edition of 1655 constitutes the “first authorized edition” of the poem. The third, somewhat independent of the other two, is to the effect that two editions of the poem—both “pirated”—have certainly been lost. Implicit in evidence equally cogent, however, is the assumption of a third lost edition, the authorization of which is never discussed. The purpose of this investigation is to scrutinize the evidence upon which these commonplace assertions are based, to show how far each is from being demonstrably true, and to advance arguments to prove that all three are false.


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