scholarly journals Development of the German Immigration Policy after 2015

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Réka Friedery

Germany is seen and presented by itself as a welcome country. It is a country of immigration. First, there was the “Gastarbeiter” period when within agreements made by Germany and southern European states several thousand worker arrived in Germany and most of them made the country their permanent home. The country experienced another migration wave when the former Central-European countries became members of the European Union. In 2015, similar to other European States, Germany too experienced a migration-shock which resulted in a political-social turmoil in the German society. Not only politicians, but average people faced the same never-seen-before challenge on different levels, due to the number of migrants arriving in short term onto the territory of the state: one in the everyday life of its community, one in the political and legal perspective. Irrespectively of their reactions or adaptation methods, one common point of these actors was that they had to come to terms with the fact that a huge number of irregular migrants will stay long-term in Germany. However, the wave challenged the “welcome” country attitude both at political and at societal level. The author argues that roles, namely, the country affected by the migration wave, and the country being a leading European Union Member State became contradicted because of the measures introduced after 2015. This is underlined by the normative analysis of the main measures in this article, but because migration policy overlaps other policy areas, for example integration policy, interior policy, these measures touch upon different issues.

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Kraler

AbstractAlmost all Member States in the European Union currently make use, or in the past have made use of some form of regularisation of irregular immigrants, although to greatly varying degrees, in different ways and as a rule only reluctantly. A distinct feature of recent regularisations has been the shift towards a humanitarian justification of regularisation measures. In this context, regularisation has become reframed as an issue of the protection of irregular migrants’ human rights. As a result, regularisation has to some extent also been turned from a political tool in managing migration into an issue of international, European and national human rights law. While a human rights framework indeed offers a powerful rationale and at times compelling reasons why states ought to afford a legal status to irregular migrants, I argue that a human rights based approach must always be complemented by pragmatic considerations, as a human rights based justification of regularisation alone will be insufficient to find adequate responses to the changing presence of irregular migrants in the EU, not all of which can invoke human rights based claims to residence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-323
Author(s):  
Jyri J. Jäntti ◽  
Benjamin Klasche

The European Union (EU)–Turkey deal consolidated a shift in the EU’s migration policy. The deal is the culmination of the dominance of the security frame and depicts the continuous externalization of the EU’s responsibility of asylum protection and burden sharing. The strengthening of the security frame has weakened the humanitarian norms that previously dictated EU’s behaviour. This has led to the EU losing some of its comparative advantages in negotiations. Simultaneously, the instrumentalization of the value of asylum, paired with an increased number of asylum seekers, has given negotiation leverage to the neighbouring countries turned service providers. These changes in perception and norms have created a power shift, at the disadvantage of the EU, creating a more leveled playing field for negotiations between the parties. This article tracks the historical shifts in the global refugee regime to explain how today’s situation was created. Hereby, the existence of two competing cognitive frames—humanitarian and security—is assumed, tracked and analysed. While looking at the EU–Turkey deal, the article shows that the EU has started treating refugees as a security problem rather than a humanitarian issue, breaking the normative fabric of the refugee regime in the process. The article also displays how Turkey was able to capitalise on this new reality and engage with negotiations of other neighbouring countries of EU that point towards a change of dynamics in the global refugee regime.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (51) ◽  
pp. 59-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Gois ◽  
Giulia Falchi

Abstract Migration has been and will continue to be one of the key issues for Europe in the coming decades. Fundamental developments such as economy, climate change, globalization of transport and communication, war and instability in the neighbouring regions, are all factors that continue to drive people to come to Europe, in search of shelter and a better life or to reunite with their families. In recent years, vulnerability of forced migrants has been exacerbated by worsening conflicts in their home country, which make repatriation less and less a viable option, and by mounting intolerance within local communities. A growing number of potential refugees attempts to escape transit countries to reach the European Union by embarking in dangerous journeys to cross the Mediterranean Sea and illegally enter the European Union. Within the European Union resettlement represents a 'durable solution' for vulnerable forced migrants alongside local integration and voluntary repatriation, a protection tool for potential people whose lives and liberty are at risk. In Italy, a group of institutions from civil society and the Italian Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Interior signed a Protocol of Agreement for the establishment of Humanitarian Corridors to ensure the legal and safe resettlement of asylum seekers. Our article will show how these Humanitarian Corridors proved to be a successful multi-stakeholder engagement to support safe and legal pathways to protection as well as durable solutions for third country nationals in need of protection.


2020 ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Andrei Martynov ◽  
Sergey Asaturov

The European Union has met Donald Trump's presidency in a crisis, caused by Britain's exit, quarrels over migration policy and prospects for European integration. Trump has abandoned a project to create a transatlantic free trade area. He demanded a one-sided trade advantage for the United States. The rejection of the liberal project of multilateral foreign policy contributed to the deepening of contradictions between the EU and the US in the field of trade, environment, the regime of international disarmament treaties, the algorithm for resolving regional conflicts. The Trump era in US foreign policy was a time of abandoning liberal globalism. But it is impossible to realize this task in one cadence. The question is whether it is possible for Democrats to fully restore liberal globalism in equal cooperation with the European Union.Trump has abandoned the project of a transatlantic free trade area between the United States and the European Union. This shocked the European elites. Differences in approaches to world trade contributed to the coolness. The European Union is promoting a liberal approach. Trump insisted on the priority of the patronage of American interests. As a result, the tradition of relationships has suffered. Until 2017, the United States bought European goods and paid the most to the NATO budget. Trump demanded trade parity and more European funding for NATO. European elites perceived Trump's approach to migration issues as unacceptable. Trump's policy on international conflicts has become another reason for mutual misunderstanding. Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and helped establish diplomatic relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. This has become a challenge for the European Union's Middle East policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Tomasz Dubowski

In the discussion on the EU migration policy, it is impossible to evade the issue of the relation between this policy and the EU foreign policy, including EU common foreign and security policy. The subject of this study are selected links between migration issues and the CFSP of the European Union. The presented considerations aim to determine at what levels and in what ways the EU’s migration policy is taken into account in the space of the CFSP as a diplomatic and political (and subject to specific rules and procedures) substrate of the EU’s external action.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-167
Author(s):  
Romina Alkier

In the coming years, the number of tourist trips from and within the European Union can be expected to grow, as a result of ongoing integration processes, and also because it is becoming simpler and cheaper to travel. According to the WTO, tourism will grow at a moderate rate of four per cent annually in average, and by 2020 the number of tourist arrivals worldwide will reach 1.6 billion, of which 717 million tourist arrivals will be to Europe. Out of this number, more than half a million will be to present-day EU countries. Given the EU’s continuing enlargement, clearly this number will continue to increase, and with it the global importance of the EU. The EU’s tourist policy in the years to come will increasingly become better, more imaginative and more efficient. Regardless of the unchanging subsidiary principle, this policy will continue to develop, gradually adapting to new opportunities. The principles of the sector tourist policy are already being carried out in practice by all EU members, and any country aspiring to become a part this association will not only need to incorporate these principles, but respect them as well. Croatia is one of the countries which has embraced this orientation in tourism and it is aiming to address this “European challenge” at the level of market relations, taking efforts to avoid the pitfalls and threats of tourism marginalisation, given the harsh competition and protectionist measures existing within the EU.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annalisa Morticelli

The book addresses the difficult issue of irregular migration in the European Union, through a juridical reconstruction of the phenomenon starting from its origins. The interesting aspect is the understanding part between Italy and Germany, to understand the phenomenon in two different member countries, in order to grasp the main critical issues and identify virtuous behaviors in order to create a system that is as homogenous as possible at the level of the European Union. The researches were carried out in Italy and in Germany above all, through the analysis of legislative documents and the doctrine on the subject.


Author(s):  
Roderick Pace

Fifteen years ago Malta joined the European Union (EU) and four years later in 2008 it joined the Economic and Monetary Union. Throughout this period its economy performed exceptionally well, to the extent that it managed to escape the worse ravages of the Great Recession. In general, the majority of the Maltese people support EU membership. Rapid economic growth has produced a general “feel good” sentiment, which is not, however, shared by everyone. The Maltese political system has been dominated for many years by two parties, the Partit Nazzjonalista and the Labour Party, the only ones to elect candidates to the national parliament since 1966. In 2003, the Labour Party, which had opposed EU membership for many years, changed its policy. This brought the curtain down on parliamentary Euroscepticism in the country. In the meantime, economic success has meant that populist small parties have not been able to gain much traction with the electorate, and the established political parties were not dethroned by populist upsurge as happened in most of the rest of southern Europe. Growth has not led only to benefits, however. The construction sector is putting pressure to bear on scarce land resources, and the influx of foreign labor and a growing demand for housing have inflated rents and housing prices, often beyond the reach of lower income households. Unemployment stands at a low 3.8%, but more people are close to the poverty line. Malta is failing on some of the national targets of the Europe 2020 strategy. These challenges will have to be watched more closely in the years to come should this rate of growth be maintained.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 05012
Author(s):  
Emília Krajňáková ◽  
Sergej Vojtovič

The study deals with the analysis of global labor market trends in the European Union countries under the influence of free movement and labor migration within the European Union. Named analyzes include defining trends in the emigration and immigration flows of the workforce among the countries of the European Union that apply the policy of migration and countries that are the source of labor emigration. On this basis, labor migration losses and benefits are assessed and their impact on GDP creation on the labor market, the state budget and other economic and social indicators for countries with a migration policy and for countries with a strong majority of labor migration flows abroad are examined. On this basis, the processes of creating imbalances in the European labor market, which are affected by the absence of balance sheets in the benefits and losses of labor migration for individual countries, are examined. The analyzes and investigations carried out have resulted in the definition and justification of the shift in the balance of losses and benefits of labor migration towards a predominance of benefits for countries with a migration policy and a prevalence of losses for countries with a strong dominance of labor migration flows abroad.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document