scholarly journals A Study on the US Trade Policy towards China

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Xin Kai ◽  
Jiexin Liao

The Sino-US trade relationship has become one of the most important bilateral trade relationships in the world, however there are emerging more and more conflicts between them which may have negative impact on global trade. This paper reviews the US trade policy towards China and analyzes the reasons why these policies are changing over time. Based on related economic and political theories, this paper points out that there are political reasons, economic reasons and external factors that account for the changing of the US trade policies towards China. Furthermore, among these factors, the Sino-US political relationship laid the foundation of the bilateral trade relationship especially at an early stage, and the economic factor explains most of the bilateral trade after 2000. Meanwhile, the fluctuation of the bilateral trade could largely be explained by the struggle of the balance of the US domestic interest groups, and the balance of some external factors like international treaties.

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Victor Purba

"Section 301" memberikan wewenang luas kepada Presiden AS untuk mengambil tindakanpembalasan terhadap praktek-praktek perdagangan negara asing yang dianggap merugikan AS. Keampuhan Section 301 ini antara lain berhasil membuka pasar bagi barang-barang Amerika di luar negeri. Umpamanya Jepang, yang akhirnya bersedia menerima penjualan alat-alat telekomunikasi, jeruk dan daging asal AS. Namun, ancaman Section 301 tidak selalu berhasil membuka pasar luar negeri. Sengketa kemudian diselesaikan dalam pertemuan-pertemuan GATT.


1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 230-236
Author(s):  
Reinhard Rode

At the present stage of development of international economic relations special attention is paid to the study of the relations between the countries that are the world leaders in terms of GDP and foreign trade – the USA and China. This is due to the fact that in recent years the US have introduced a number of measures to counteract the growth of Chinese exports, which has led to backlash from China. The subject of the study is the foreign trade relations of the USA and China. The goal is to analyze the influence of protectionist measures applied by the US and China on the development of their foreign economic relations. The following objectives are set: to determine the level of economic interdependence of the USA and the PRC, to investigate their impact on mutual trade flows and to analyze the dynamics of bilateral trade of countries under restrictive measures. The following methods are: comparative analysis, systematization and generalization, construction of regression models. The results of the analysis revealed that the US and PRC current accounts show reverse dynamics: the United States demonstrates stable deficit, while China has had surplus for many years. Moreover, the structures of the current accounts do differ a lot as well: the US is totally services-oriented country, whereas China is a major exporter of goods. It can be observed that both countries have experienced a recession of foreign economic activity since 2018, as far as their current account balances decreased substantially, which is likely to be the consequence of tariff barriers imposed by the US and PRC. Furthermore, due to trade confrontation, bilateral trade between these countries declines significantly as well, so that now China and the United States are forced to look for new export markets. The results of the regression models allow concluding that import from China is indeed having a negative impact on US exports, which has led to the US restrictions on imports from China. However, the introduction of mutual restrictions did not lead to an improvement of the US foreign trade.


Subject New developments in China-South Korea economic relations. Significance China and South Korea have one of the most important bilateral economic relationships. Politics trumped economics when China imposed de facto sanctions in response to South Korea's hosting of the US military's THAAD missile defence system -- but there are more fundamental changes underway, too. Impacts South Korean companies will be more cautious about investing in China and will further diversify their investment destinations. South Korea's government and firms will work harder to develop South-East Asian markets for the country's tourism and creative industries. Links will develop further between Chinese and South Korean firms within cross-border technological chains. Overall volumes of bilateral trade will continue to increase, regardless of political tension and economic rivalry.


Significance A leading election issue is trade policy, which Trump has taken in a different direction to his predecessors. The question has increased salience given COVID-19 economic losses and the importance of foreign markets and competition to the US recovery. Impacts Under Biden or Trump, trade deals will have stronger labour rights and pharmaceutical standards. Environmental groups will struggle to insert strong standards into trade agreements. US manufacturing will reshore, driven by Trump's 'America First' policies and the need for greater self-sufficiency after COVID-19. The outlook for US exports will depend on how fast foreign countries reopen their economies.


Author(s):  
S. S. DMITRIEV

The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy,  characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade  according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory  institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the  existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries,  manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident.  Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into  concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is  concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic  market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant  reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral  arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious  downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other  international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on  dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the  term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States  will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the  propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or  permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of  “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return  to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump  government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into  account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number  of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain  circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade  conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.


Author(s):  
Gordon M. Friedrichs

AbstractResearch indicates that polarization has led to an increasing dispersion between moderate and more extreme voters within both parties. Intraparty polarization supposedly affects the nature of interparty competition as it creates political space for new political realignments and the rise of anti-establishment candidates. This article examines the extent and impact of intraparty polarization in Congress on US trade policy. Specifically, the article examines whether (and which) trade policy preferences are distributed within and between both parties, as well as how intraparty polarization has influenced the outcome of US trade negotiations. It is theorized that intraparty polarization causes crosscutting legislative coalitions around specific trade policies and political realignments around ideological factions, with consequences for the outcome of trade negotiations. By relying on a unique dataset of congressional letters and co-sponsorship legislation, the article first derives trade policy preferences from members of Congress and computes their ideological means. Two contemporary cases of US trade policy are examined: The Transpacific Partnership Agreement and the US–Mexico–Canada Agreement. Via a structured-focused comparison of both cases, the paper finally assesses under which combinations of preference-based and ideology-based intraparty polarization Congress manages to ratify trade agreements. Findings suggest that both parties are intrinsically polarized between free trade and fair trade preferences yet show variance in their degree of ideology-based intraparty polarization. These findings contribute to existing work on bipartisanship as well as factions in the foreign policy realm, as it shows under which circumstances legislators can build crosscutting coalitions around foreign policies.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  

AbstractThe metaphor of the two-level game has been used to describe the process whereby political leaders find themselves negotiating simultaneously at the domestic and international tables when trying to reach international cooperative agreements. This article examines the role of domestic politics in the US debate over trade policy in recent years. Specifically, the article analyzes the bargaining between the Clinton administration and the US Congress over the appropriate role for labor (and environmental) issues in trade negotiations in the context of the debate over so-called ``fast-track'' negotiating authority. The article then goes on to analyze how the domestic politics of this issue could affect an international negotiation over worker rights in the World Trade Organization.


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