scholarly journals Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Kunle Awotokun ◽  
Olu Okotoni

The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed. The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-360
Author(s):  
Azis Arifin ◽  
Didin Saepudin

This article aimed to reveal the periodization of political  and cultural Islam in Indonesia from time to time. In its development, political and cultural Islam had become an entity that hadattracted the attention of academics in Indonesia. Both types of Islam have always been part of the history of this nation. Therefore, the periodization of the rounds needs to be disclosed in a neat and measurable manner. This research was qualitative using a historical approach, and the existing data were presented in a descriptive analytical manner. The primary data of the research covered the statutes and bylaw of Islamic parties, such as Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (PSII), Masyumi Party, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), while the secondary data were documents of works of Indonesian authors, journals, and online news or articles. The results revealed that the periodization of Indonesian political and cultural Islam started from pre-independence to post-reformation. PSII, Masyumi Party, PPP, PKS and PBB respectively were examples of political Islam that were established in their era. Meanwhile, cultural Islam was patronized by Jam'iyyat al-Khair, Al-Irsyad, Muhammadiyah, Persis and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Both types and groups of the Islam basically had the same goal, namely to carry out Sharia. Therefore, for the political and cultural Islam, the power and sympathy of the people seemed to support the realization of this goal.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
Muktar Bashir

This article empirically discusses the Authoritarian nature of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic between 1999-2015. It employed qualitative method as a means of data collection and analysis. The primary data was generated via in-depth Interviews with relevant stakeholders who were purposively selected. Secondary data was also utilized to compliment the interviews. The article is written within the purview of the Authoritarian theory of communication and it was found that FRCN between the period under study has been dominated, controlled and dictated by the ruling PDP, reporting issues unethically. The outfit was mostly dancing to the tune of the party in power (PDP). It is recommended that FRCN should not be directly controlled by the government or party in power. Also, a law should be put in place to make it discharge its responsibility of communicating vital, truthful and objective information fairly for the people to be equipped with factual information capable of bringing the needed informed decision particularly during elections.


Author(s):  
Eva A. Duda-Mikulin

The fourth chapter focuses on Brexit – the UK’s exit from the EU with key point being around disrupted livelihoods of EU migrant workers. First, the context of neopopulism is brought to the fore. Here, I explore the criminalisation of migrants and refer to the writings of Zygmunt Bauman (2016). Second, a brief history of the European Economic Community and the EU is provided. Third, the political complexity behind the decision to hold the referendum is explored. The wider context and political climate worldwide is analysed with particular focus on the rise of distrust, disillusion and identity politics. The context of the new populism as the prevalent ideology is put against the political situation in the UK with David Cameron starting talks on the need for the people to have their say in the run up to General Election 2015. The results of the referendum are analysed and critically discussed taking into account voters and their demographic characteristics correlated with the socio-economic situation in the country. The chapter culminates in a series of case studies with the aim to illustrate pre- and post-Brexit-vote reality for those who exercised their Treaty rights and came to work in the UK.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


1974 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 1127
Author(s):  
James T. Doyle ◽  
James F. Pedersen ◽  
Kenneth D. Wald

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Suhail Hussein Al-Fatlawi

<p>Democracy was established in the Greek cities in the fifth century B.C. It is a liberal western system. In this regard, various Islamic countries applied democracy as a political and legal system where the people elect their representatives in the legislative authority in order to put the legal regulations that organize the human behavior.</p>The research included a brief idea about liberal democracy, its history and objectives, the political and legal system in the Islamic state, the dispute among Muslim scholars on the application of democracy in the Islamic states; some Muslim scholars refuse to apply democracy since the legal system in Islam relies on the Holly Qor'an and the Prophet's speeches, which are a biding regulation for Muslims, while other authors believe that Islam accepts democracy and others think that Islam should have its special democracy that differs from the liberal democracy. This paper discussed the political and legal systems that were applied the Islamic state during the history of Islam. Finally the paper presented the most conclusions and recommendations reached by the researcher.


2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yangwen Zheng

The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.


Humaniora ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 264
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman

Electoral democracy generates the political elites. Because these political elites are born through a democratic process, they are expected to practice their power in accordance to the basic principles of democracy. One of them is to open the opportunity and acces of people to participatie in decision making proceses. Nevertheless, the problem is that the political elites who were elected through electoral democracy tend to close the participation of citizen in policy making process. To analyze how the political elites formulated the policy and what the rationality of the policy was, this article used rational choice theory. Article used secondary data to analyze the problem. Results of the analysis showed that democracy in local level after elections was determined by rationality, preferences, and interests of the political elites. The practices of power of the elites in local level in the context of rational choice theory made opportunity and access for the people obstructed. It then affects the existing development policies reflect only rationality, preferences, and interests of some elites. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.


Globus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Bayramov

The history of the Seljuk state, which played a significant role in the political, economic and cultural life of the Near and Middle East in the Middle Ages, is one of the most actual problems in Azerbaijani historiography. As it is known, after the establishment of the Seljuk state by the Turks, their main policy was to advance to the west, to seize Anatolia, to turn Anatolia into Turkish lands. The Caucasus region was the gateway to Anatolia. That is why the Caucasus, as well as Azerbaijan was of great military-strategic importance for the Seljuks. After the Dandanekan victory, it was decided at the Congress in Merv to launch new military operations to the East and West. The main target of the attack was Iran, Byzantium and the South Caucasus, because these countries were in political disarray and unable to resist them. Seljuk troops advancing on the Caucasus soon subjugated the local feudal states. The people of Azerbaijan, who have been under the rule of the Seljuk state for more than a century, have played a special role in the political and cultural development of the Seljuk state. However, this problem in national historiography has been a separate research topic only in the second half of the 20th century, which has long been out of sight. The present article is devoted to the study of Seljuk state in Azerbaijani historiography. The article studies the works of prominent Azerbaijani historians Z. Bunyadov, R. Huseynov, N. Akhundova, N.Aliyeva, Sh.Mustafayev, I.Hajiyev, T.Dostiyev and others, who have done research in this area since the second half of the twentieth to the first decade of the twenty-first century and their role in the study of the history of the great state in the medieval Muslim East, the Seljuk State, has been defined


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document