THE GREAT SERBIAN THREAT, ZAVNOBIH AND MUSLIM BOSNIAK ENTRY INTO THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Atilla Hoare
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
Mass Influx ◽  
Liberation Struggle ◽  
The Relationship

From the start of the uprising in summer 1941, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia conceived of the People’s Liberation Struggle in BosniaHerzegovina as a specifically Bosnian-Herzegovinian liberation struggle, waged under Bosnian-patriotic slogans. Nevertheless, the status of BosniaHerzegovina within the future Yugoslav state was not definitely resolved until November 1943. This period – autumn 1943 – witnessed the mass influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the People’s Liberation Movement, definitely transforming it from a movement that was overwhelmingly ethnic-Serb in composition into one that had a large Muslim Bosniak component as well. A decisive catalyst for the mass entry of Muslim Bosniaks in East Bosnia into the NOP was the fear among them that Hitler would cede East Bosnia to Nedić’s Serbia, thereby establishing a Great Serbia in which the Muslim Bosniaks would be subjected to genocide. The KPJ, by championing BosnianHerzegovinian self-determination, was able to win over a large part of the Muslim Bosniak population that feared the Great Serbian threat. This paper will look at the relationship between the Great Serbian threat and the influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the NOP during 1943.

Ästhetik und Poetik des Selbst

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatjana Noemi Tömmel
Keyword(s):  
Human Subject ◽  
Cultural Theory ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
The Future ◽  
Aesthetic Attitude ◽  
Self Knowledge ◽  
The Relationship

Im Zentrum der Ästhetik und Kulturtheorie des nahezu vergessenen jüdischen Aufklärers Lazarus Bendavid (1762-1832) steht das Verhältnis von moralischem und ästhetischem Fortschritt. Dieser Aufsatz stellt drei komplementäre Theorien Bendavids vor, denen zufolge ästhetische Phänomene Moralität befördern: Erstens behauptet Bendavid, dass die ästhetische Selbsterfahrung auch die Einfühlung in andere Menschen ermögliche und deshalb zu deren Anerkennung einen entscheidenden Beitrag leiste. Zweitens geht er davon aus, dass der Ästhetiker sich nicht nur theoretisch erkennt, sondern auch praktisch-autopoietisch bestimmt. Zugleich Künstler und Kunstwerk, verwirklicht er durch kulturelle Artefakte seine Autonomie. Drittens verbindet sich mit der Ästhetik eine Rechtfertigung des Menschen: Trotz aller menschlichen Unzulänglichkeiten sieht die ästhetische Einstellung die Gleichheit und Zusammengehörigkeit aller Menschen und verheißt damit einen moralisch besseren Zustand in der Zukunft. The works of Jewish enlightenment thinker Lazarus Bendavid (1762-1832) are virtually forgotten today. His aesthetic and cultural theory focused on the relationship between moral and aesthetic progress. The present essay discusses Bendavid’s three complementary theories on how aesthetic phenomena promote morality: Firstly, he claims that aesthetic self-experience leads to empathy and therefore to social recognition. Secondly, he suggests that aesthetics do not only facilitate theoretical self-knowledge, but also practical, autopoietic self-determination. At once artist and artwork, the human subject realizes autonomy through cultural artefacts. Thirdly, he associates aesthetics with a justification of man: Despite all human shortcomings, an aesthetic attitude helps recognizing the equality and shared identity of all people and thereby promises a morally superior state in the future.

The United Nations in West Irian: A Critique

1964 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. van der Veur
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
Severe Handicaps ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cost

UNTEA served the important function of buffer between contending forces and in general accomplished a remarkably smooth transfer. In this regard the United Nations operation was a major success. The smooth transfer was achieved, however, at the cost of rights specifically guaranteed in the agreement—the rights of free speech and assembly. Furthermore, the United Nations preparatory task and responsibility in the future “act of self-determination” was minimized.It may be argued that UNTEA policy in West Irian merely reflects the weakness of the United Nations in a nation-state world. Lack of UNTEA power certainly was an important aspect. The explanation, however, is more complex. It is significant to recall that the United Nations assumed its task under severe handicaps: It was given no time for adequate recruitment and preparation; from the start it was confronted with the legitimized presence of Indonesian troops; the status of the “Papuan flag” was never mentioned in the agreement; and general Papuan primitivity along with political naïveté and schisms among the small and newly created Papuan élite influenced UNTEA's approach.UNTEA also met continuous Indonesian pressure aimed at shortening the period of its administration and weakening its authority in general. Statements by Indonesian officials cast doubt on Indonesia's willingness to adhere to the wording of the agreement. In trying to interpret Indonesian feelings it might be conceded that most Dutch-Indonesian agreements have imposed conditions which could be considered obnoxious to Indonesia. The rights of self-determination for the Papuan inhabitants—stipulated in the August 15 agreement—fall into this category.

scholarly journals The typicality of the Vietnamese people's national liberation struggle for the

2021 ◽  
pp. 240-249
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Liberation Struggle ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Relationship

The Vietnamese people's resistance war against the US imperialists' invasion to gain national liberation and reunification in the 20th century was a struggle expressing the Vietnamese people's intense desire for peace and national reunification and opposing the American neo-colonialism. The struggle of the Vietnamese people was deeply epochal, and typical of the national liberation movement in the world. This was not merely a struggle for national liberation, but also a struggle that reflected and fully converged three major revolutionary trends of the era: national independence, democracy and socialism. The article focuses on presenting brief outlines of the struggle for national independence, typical features of the Vietnamese people's struggle for national liberation, and puts it in the relationship between the revolution in Vietnam and revolutionary movements in the world. As a result, not only the value and aspiration for peace of the Vietnamese people and progressive humanity, but also the art of combining national strength with the strength of the times in the American war was recognized.

scholarly journals The Path Choice of the Chinese Communist Party's Theoretical Innovation under the Perspective of Chinese Traditional Culture

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Wei Wei
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Traditional Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Communist Party Of China ◽  
Chinese Traditional Culture ◽  
Original Intention ◽  
Theoretical Innovation ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship

At present, the domestic and the academic circles have questioned the status and value of the traditional culture which is represented by Confucianism. Facing the traditional culture dissemination heat of the state, how to treat correctly its value and significance, how to clarify the relationship between the traditional culture and the party's theoretical innovation, how to rationally deal with the traditional culture of the premise under exploration in the path of the theoretical innovation of the Communist Party of China, this is the original intention of this paper.

scholarly journals Revisiting the ‘Recognition’ of the Palestinians’ Right to Self-Determination: Peoples as Territories

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shadi Sakran
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
Advisory Opinion ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Icj ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
General Fact

‘[B]ehind every Palestinian there is a great general fact: that he once – and not so long ago– lived in a land of his own called Palestine, which is now no longer his homeland.’ The question of whether the Palestinian people, as a people, are entitled to exercise the right to external self-determination has been highly controversial over the years. Divided scholarly research, particularly regarding the attitude of the State of Israel which, at time of writing, has not yet explicitly recognized the Palestinian peoples’ right to emerge as an independent State, serves as evidence to this claim. In 2004, the ICJ in the Wall Advisory Opinion observed that the Palestinians’ right to self-determination is no longer in issue. This observation serves as the benchmark for this paper to revisit the identification of a people under international law. This paper critically examines whether constitutive and declaratory theories of recognition in statehood can assist in understanding the concept of a people in the law of self-determination. While concluding that neither theory of recognition is satisfactory, this paper argues that application of the right to self-determonation, within and beyond the colonial context, is inevitably linked to the territory peoples inhabit. Although the relationship between peoples and territories should come as no surprise, the key element in determining a people is not based on the people but on the status of the territory they inhabit.

Class, Nation, and Political Organization: The Anti-Zionist Left in Israel/Palestine

2009 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ran Greenstein
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
National Movements ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.

Nationalism and Secessionism

2021 ◽  
pp. 16-42
Author(s):  
André Lecours
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
Process Tracing ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

At the turn of the twentieth century, nationalist movements in Western democracies were not expected to feature strong secessionism. Catalonia and Scotland defied this expectation while Flanders and South Tyrol conformed to it. This divergence is the starting point for this chapter, which sets up the controlled comparison. The chapter discusses how to account for the strength of secessionism within nationalist movements in liberal-democratic contexts using historical institutionalism to build a framework where the nature of autonomy, more specifically its capacity to evolve in time, determines if a nationalist movement has a strong secessionist stream or not. It offers a conceptual innovation, distinguishing between static and dynamic autonomy. It lays out the expectation for the relationship between autonomy and secessionism analysed in the four case studies of the controlled comparison: static autonomy should stimulate secessionism because it reduces self-determination options to the status quo and independence while dynamic autonomy should weaken secessionism, since it involves on-going adjustments to the evolving identity and interests of the internal national community as defined by its political class. The chapter also discusses the research design for the controlled comparison and details the process-tracing methodology used to see how the nature of autonomy has impacted the self-determination claims of four nationalist movements in Western democracies.

A Meta-Analysis of Interviews and Cognitive Ability

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Roth ◽  
Allen I. Huffcutt
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Ability ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
Incremental Validity ◽  
Employment Interviews ◽  
Moderator Analysis ◽  
The Future ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Meta Analyses ◽  
The Relationship

The topic of what interviews measure has received a great deal of attention over the years. One line of research has investigated the relationship between interviews and the construct of cognitive ability. A previous meta-analysis reported an overall corrected correlation of .40 ( Huffcutt, Roth, & McDaniel, 1996 ). A more recent meta-analysis reported a noticeably lower corrected correlation of .27 ( Berry, Sackett, & Landers, 2007 ). After reviewing both meta-analyses, it appears that the two studies posed different research questions. Further, there were a number of coding judgments in Berry et al. that merit review, and there was no moderator analysis for educational versus employment interviews. As a result, we reanalyzed the work by Berry et al. and found a corrected correlation of .42 for employment interviews (.15 higher than Berry et al., a 56% increase). Further, educational interviews were associated with a corrected correlation of .21, supporting their influence as a moderator. We suggest a better estimate of the correlation between employment interviews and cognitive ability is .42, and this takes us “back to the future” in that the better overall estimate of the employment interviews – cognitive ability relationship is roughly .40. This difference has implications for what is being measured by interviews and their incremental validity.

Using the alveograph in developing requirements for the quality of flour for wafer sheet production

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (12) ◽  
pp. 52-58
Author(s):  
E.P. Meleshkina ◽  
◽  
S.N. Kolomiets ◽  
A.S. Cheskidova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Rheological Properties ◽  
Quality Indicators ◽  
Wheat Flour ◽  
Mathematical Statistics ◽  
Intended Purpose ◽  
The Future ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Objectively and reliably determined indicators of rheological properties of the dough were identified using the alveograph device to create a system of classifications of wheat and flour from it for the intended purpose in the future. The analysis of the relationship of standardized quality indicators, as well as newly developed indicators for identifying them, differentiating the quality of wheat flour for the intended purpose, i.e. for finished products. To do this, we use mathematical statistics methods.

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