Class, Nation, and Political Organization: The Anti-Zionist Left in Israel/Palestine

2009 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ran Greenstein
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
National Movements ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.

Risk, Desire and Adaptation: The Paradox of Queer Solidarity and the Political Possibility of Death Under Neoliberalism and Homonationalism

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Strategy I

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.

scholarly journals Social movements and the law: the legal group inside the occupation of Porto Alegre city council in 2013

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-219
Author(s):  
Fiammetta Bonfigli ◽  
Germano Andre Doederlein Schwartz ◽  
Fabricio Pontin
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
City Council ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Law And Social Movements ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

This work is part of the research project developed by the Observatory on New Social Movements and Law in Brazil at La Salle University, focusing in the city of Porto Alegre and on the occupation of the City Council on July of 2013, which is placed in the context of the protests against the increase of bus fares and for free fare, attempting to understand the relationship between the political organization of the Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico and its legal group during the eight days of City Council occupation. We conducted semi-structured interviews with members of the occupation in order to clarify the dynamics in the movement and its understanding of the relationship between law and social movements, highlighting the deferment of the eviction order and the elaboration of two Bills as fundamental moments of the relationship between the collective organization of the occupation and its legal team. Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto de investigación desarrollado por el Observatorio de Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y Derecho de la Universidad La Salle de Brasil. Nos centramos en la ciudad de Porto Alegre y en la ocupación de su ayuntamiento en julio de 2013, en el contexto de las protestas contra el aumento de las tarifas de autobús y a favor del transporte gratuito. Intentamos comprender la relación entre la organización política del Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico y su grupo jurídico durante los ocho días que duró la ocupación. Realizamos entrevistas semiestructuradas con miembros de la ocupación para aclarar las dinámicas del movimiento y cómo entendía la relación entre derecho y movimientos sociales, destacando el aplazamiento de la orden de desalojo y la elaboración de dos leyes como momentos fundamentales de la relación entre la organización colectiva de la ocupación y su equipo jurídico.

Liberal Democracy, Human Rights, and the Eucharistic Community: Contrasting Voices in American Orthodox Ethics

2021 ◽  
pp. 095394682110459
Author(s):  
Philip LeMasters
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Engagement ◽  
Social Ethics ◽  
Human Person ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Christianity ◽  
Eastern Orthodoxy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Orders ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between Eastern Orthodoxy and the political ethos of the West is of crucial importance for contextualizing the Church’s social engagement in the present day. Aristotle Papanikolaou and Vigen Guroian highlight points of tension in their respective accounts of the relationship between the Orthodoxy and western democratic social orders. Analysis of their argument provides a context for examining their contrasting understandings of human rights as a dimension of the public engagement of Orthodox Christians with the political realm. While neither completely rejects appeals to human rights, neither claims that such rhetoric manifests the full truth about the dignity of the human person according to the theological anthropology of Orthodox Christianity. Patriarch Bartholomew of Constantinople, Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos of Albania, the statements of the Council of Crete (2016), and several other contemporary Orthodox voices place appeals to human rights in a theologically nuanced context that affirms their legitimacy while refraining from identifying them with the fullness of the moral and spiritual vision of Orthodox Christianity. Analysis of the debate between Papanikolaou and Guroian gives rise to a tentative affirmation of the critical use of the language of human rights in Eastern Orthodox social ethics.

2. The Political Organization of Parliament

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Norton
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Organization ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Opposition Parties

This chapter discusses the political organization of the UK Parliament, at the heart of which are the political parties. It first considers the internal organization of Parliament, focusing on how political parties are structured. There are two principal parties facing one another in Parliament: the party in government and opposition parties. The opposition comprises frontbench Members (shadow ministers) and backbenchers. Smaller parties may also designate some Members as ‘frontbenchers’ (official spokespeople for the party). The frontbench of each party includes whips. The chapter provides an overview of these whips as well as parliamentary parties before considering legislative–executive relations. In particular, it examines how parties shape the relationship between Parliament and the executive, and how these have changed over time.

scholarly journals Indonesia, Tiongkok dan Komunisme, 1949-1965

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Satriono Priyo Utomo
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Meeting Room ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
The People ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Relationship

During the leadership of President Sukarno, China had an important meaning not only for the people of Indonesia but also as a source of political concept from the perspective of Sukarno. In addition, China also had significance for the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as a meeting room prior to communist ideology. The paper employs literary study method and discusses about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and China during the Guidance Democracy ( 1949-1965). The relationship between two countries at that time exhibited closeness between Sukarno and Mao Tse Tung. The political dynamics at that time brought the spirit of the New Emerging Forces. Both leaders relied on mass mobilization politics in which Mao used the Chinese Communist Party while Sukarno used the PKI.Keywords: Indonesia, China, diplomacy, politics, ideology, communism

Commentary on the New Charity Undertakings Law

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Catá Backer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
National Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unique Contribution ◽  
Political Policy ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Theoretical Considerations

Abstract China’s new Charity Law represents the culmination of over a decade of planning for the appropriate development of the productive forces of the charity sector in aid of socialist modernization. Together with the related Foreign ngo Management Law, it represents an important advance in the organization of the civil society sector within emerging structures of Socialist Rule of Law principles. While both Charity and Foreign ngo Management Laws could profitably be considered as parts of a whole, each merits discussion for its own unique contribution to national development. Moreover, while analysis tends to focus on legal conformity of the Charity Law to the state constitution, little work has been done to analyze the relationship of the Charity Law to the political constitution of China. This essay seeks to fill that gap by considering the role of the Charity Law through the lens of the Constitution of the Communist Party of China. More specifically, the essay examines the extent to which the provisions of the Charity Law, and its underlying policies, contribute to the implementation and realization of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) Basic Line and in the context of the overall political policy of “socialist modernization which has served as the core of the political line of the ccp since the last decades of the 20th century. The essay is organized as follows: Section ii considers the specific provisions of the Charity Law, with some reference to changes between the first draft and the final version of the Charity Law. Section iii then considers some of the more theoretical considerations that suggest a framework for understanding the great contribution of the Charity Law as well as the challenges that remain for the development of the productive forces of the civil society sector at this historical stage of China’s development.

The Free Officers And The Comrades: The Sudanese Communist Party And Nimeiri Face-To-Face, 1969–1971

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Gresh
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Tidal Wave ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Arab League

Africa's largest country, Sudan, is first and foremost part of the Arab world, sensitive to the political tides which sweep the Arab peoples from the Atlantic to the Gulf. Like other members of the Arab League, Sudan was taken by surprise by the defeat of 1967. It was shaken by the tidal wave that later engulfed Libya, Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria; and on 25 May 1969, a military regime took over in Khartoum. Its ideology was Arab nationalism infused with socialism; its social base, the army and the urban classes; and its model, the Nasserist experiment.

Organization of American States

1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-485 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Report ◽  
American States ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Following an investigation resulting from the request by the government of Venezuela that the Council of the Organizationof American States (OAS) ask the Inter-American Peace Committee to look into the flagrant and widespread violations of human rights by the government of the Dominican Republic, the Committee, in a special report, allegedly concurred with the charges, stressing its opinion that international tensions in the Caribbean had increased and would continue to increase, so long as the Dominican Republic persisted in its repressive policies. On the basis of evidence collected during its four-month investigation, the Committee condemned such practices as the denial of free assembly and free speech, arbitrary arrest, cruel and inhuman treatment of political prisoners, and the use of intimidation and terror as political weapons. Despite reports of 1,000 arrests for subversive activities, the Dominican Republic had accounted for only 222 such arrests and had pointed to acts of elemency granted to many of these people; the Committee had, however, been barred from visiting the country. Desirous nevertheless of avoiding any step which might adversely affect the fate of the political prisoners, and in the hope that the Dominican Republic would decree an amnesty on Easter, April 17, the Committee postponed making a pronouncement on the case; instead, it merely issued a general report on April 14 on the relationship between violations of human rights and the political tensions affecting the peace of the Hemisphere. In the later special report the Committee noted that the hope of an amnesty had turned out to be unfounded, and that it had therefore decided to examine all the information available to it, mosdy in the form either of testimony from exiles and other nationals who had recently been in the Dominican Republic or of extensive and reliable press material.

Class Struggle and Socialist Construction: The Hungarian Paradox

Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. von Lazar
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the relationship between the semantics of ideology and political practice under the pressure of socio-economic change in Hungary of the early 1960s, especially 1962-63. The events of 1956 forced the Communist Party elite to recognize the imperative need for internal social change and for control over its dynamics. Manipulation of social forces and ideological currents became a day-to-day concern as soon as it was realized that the political system must rely to an increasing extent upon the introduction of policies which induced support for the system itself—a need undoubtedly arising out of the social transformation that accompanies a developing and modernizing industrial society.

scholarly journals Creencia y praxis en la fundamentación de los Derechos Humanos. Una tensión entre metafísica y subjetividad

Pelícano ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 196-208
Author(s):  
José María Boetto
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
A Priori ◽  
Western Philosophy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
Jose Ortega Y Gasset ◽  
Michel De Certeau ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Geographical Space

Belief and Praxis in The Foundation of Human Rights. A Tension between Metaphysics and Subjectivity ResumenLa fundamentación implica, al menos en un sentido inmediato, el intento de asir una determinada naturaleza, y por consiguiente conserva la pretensión de fijar –bajo una cierta categoría de conceptos inmóviles– un “algo”, que, de suyo, se realiza en el trasiego del movimiento.A partir de ello surge la siguiente problemática: ¿cómo expresar una ética acerca del hombre si este –en tanto subjetividad derelicta en el tiempo– se resiente a ser detenida y fosilizada en una categoría racional, connaturalmente quieta y ajena a la experiencia del movimiento? ¿Es posible, a partir de ello, establecer un fundamento acerca de los Derechos Humanos, que parecieran ser –al menos como supuesto– el a priori desde el cual concebir la relación ética y humana en el espacio político?A partir de ello consideramos relevante pensar, que detrás de su formulación –aún problemática y revisable– se esconde la tensión de dos modos de intelección que han atravesadoel modo de ser de la filosofía occidental, a saber: el metafísico y el pragmático.Intentaremos, desde dos autores contemporáneos, tales como José Ortega y Gasset y Michel de Certeau, que aunque disímiles en el espacio geográfico de la reflexión, congruos en cuanto al planteamiento de la relación entre “praxis, creencia y circunstancia”, ofrecer la posibilidad de una palabra sobre el intento de fundamentación de los Derechos Humanos, justificación, en que la misma praxis –sin abandonar lo revisable de la circunstancia– apela a la universalidad de creencias comunes sin fundamentación alguna en la metafísica de la verdad como sustancia. AbstractThe foundation implies, at least in an immediate sense, the attempt to grasp a certain nature, and therefore retains the claim to fix –under a certain category of immovable concepts– a “something”, which, of yours, is carried out in the movement of the movement.From this, the following problem arises: how to express an ethic about man if he –as a subjectivity that is timeless– resents being detained and fossilized in a rational category, inbornly still and oblivious to the experience of the movement? Is it possible, from this, to establish a foundation about Human Rights, which seems to be –at least as assumed– the a priori from which to conceive the ethical and human relationship in the political space?From this we consider it relevant to think that behind its formulation –still problematic and revisable– the tension of two modes of intellection that have crossed the way of being of Western philosophy is hidden, namely: the metaphysical and the pragmatic.We will try, from two contemporary authors, such as José Ortega y Gasset and Michel de Certeau, that although dissimilar in the geographical space of reflection, congruous regarding the approach of the relationship between “praxis, belief and circumstance”, offer the possibility of A word about the attempted foundation of Human Rights, justification, in which the same praxis –without abandoning the review of the circumstance– appeals to the universality of common beliefs without any foundation in the metaphysics of truth as a substance. Key words: Belief, Idea, Recognition, Otherness, Bastardy.

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